Labour and Lib Dem MPs who voted against gay marriage: full list

Twenty two Labour MPs and four Liberal Democrat MPs voted against the equal marriage bill last night.

While all the attention was on the Conservatives, who voted in greater numbers against equal marriage (136 MPs) than in favour of it (127 MPs), a not insignificant number of Labour and Liberal Democrat MPs also opposed the bill. Twenty two Labour MPs voted against it, with sixteen abstaining, and four Lib Dems voted against it, with seven abstaining. Below is a full list of them. 

Based on the figures, 45 per cent of Tory MPs voted against the bill (58 per cent including abstentions), nine per cent of Labour MPs did (15 per cent including abstentions) and seven per cent of Lib Dem MPs did (20 per cent including abstentions).

Labour MPs who voted against equal marriage (22)

Joe Benton (Bootle)

Ronnie Campbell (Blyth Valley)

Tom Clarke (Coatbridge, Chryston & Bellshill)

Rosie Cooper (Lancashire West)

David Crausby (Bolton North East)

Tony Cunningham (Workington),

Jim Dobbin (Heywood & Middleton)

Brian Donohoe (Ayrshire Central)

Robert Flello (Stoke-on-Trent South)

Mary Glindon (Tyneside North)

Paul Goggins (Wythenshawe & Sale East)

Dai Havard (Merthyr Tydfil & Rhymney)

Michael McCann (East Kilbride, Strathaven & Lesmahagow)

Jim McGovern (Dundee West), Iain McKenzie (Inverclyde)

George Mudie (Leeds East)

Paul Murphy (Torfaen)

Stephen Pound (Ealing North)

Frank Roy (Motherwell & Wishaw)

Jim Sheridan (Paisley & Renfrewshire North)

Derek Twigg (Halton)

Mike Wood (Batley & Spen)

Liberal Democrat MPs who voted against equal marriage (4)

Sir Alan Beith (Berwick-upon-Tweed)

Gordon Birtwistle (Burnley)

John Pugh (Southport)

Sarah Teather (Brent Central)

Labour MPs who did not vote (16)

Dame Anne Begg (Aberdeen South)

Gordon Brown (Kirkcaldy & Cowdenbeath)

Alex Cunningham (Stockton North)

Bill Esterson (Sefton Central)

Pat Glass (Durham North West)

Roger Godsiff (Birmingham Hall Green)

David Heyes (Ashton Under Lyne)

Jim Hood (Lanark & Hamilton East)

Khalid Mahmood (Birmingham Perry Barr)

Michael Meacher (Oldham West & Royton)

Ian Mearns (Gateshead)

Yasmin Qureshi (Bolton South East)

Virendra Sharma (Ealing Southall)

Gavin Shuker (Luton South)

Stephen Timms (East Ham)

Shaun Woodward (St Helens South & Whiston)

Liberal Democrat MPs who did note vote (7)

Norman Baker (Lewes)

Martin Horwood (Cheltenham)

Charles Kennedy (Ross, Skye & Lochaber)

Greg Mulholland (Leeds North West)

John Thurso (Caithness, Sutherland & Easter Ross)

David Ward (Bradford East)

Jenny Willott (Cardiff Central)

Former children's minister Sarah Teather was one of four Liberal Democrat MPs to vote against equal marriage. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

Photo: Getty Images
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There are risks as well as opportunities ahead for George Osborne

The Chancellor is in a tight spot, but expect his political wiles to be on full display, says Spencer Thompson.

The most significant fiscal event of this parliament will take place in late November, when the Chancellor presents the spending review setting out his plans for funding government departments over the next four years. This week, across Whitehall and up and down the country, ministers, lobbyists, advocacy groups and town halls are busily finalising their pitches ahead of Friday’s deadline for submissions to the review

It is difficult to overstate the challenge faced by the Chancellor. Under his current spending forecast and planned protections for the NHS, schools, defence and international aid spending, other areas of government will need to be cut by 16.4 per cent in real terms between 2015/16 and 2019/20. Focusing on services spending outside of protected areas, the cumulative cut will reach 26.5 per cent. Despite this, the Chancellor nonetheless has significant room for manoeuvre.

Firstly, under plans unveiled at the budget, the government intends to expand capital investment significantly in both 2018-19 and 2019-20. Over the last parliament capital spending was cut by around a quarter, but between now and 2019-20 it will grow by almost 20 per cent. How this growth in spending should be distributed across departments and between investment projects should be at the heart of the spending review.

In a paper published on Monday, we highlighted three urgent priorities for any additional capital spending: re-balancing transport investment away from London and the greater South East towards the North of England, a £2bn per year boost in public spending on housebuilding, and £1bn of extra investment per year in energy efficiency improvements for fuel-poor households.

Secondly, despite the tough fiscal environment, the Chancellor has the scope to fund a range of areas of policy in dire need of extra resources. These include social care, where rising costs at a time of falling resources are set to generate a severe funding squeeze for local government, 16-19 education, where many 6th-form and FE colleges are at risk of great financial difficulty, and funding a guaranteed paid job for young people in long-term unemployment. Our paper suggests a range of options for how to put these and other areas of policy on a sustainable funding footing.

There is a political angle to this as well. The Conservatives are keen to be seen as a party representing all working people, as shown by the "blue-collar Conservatism" agenda. In addition, the spending review offers the Conservative party the opportunity to return to ‘Compassionate Conservatism’ as a going concern.  If they are truly serious about being seen in this light, this should be reflected in a social investment agenda pursued through the spending review that promotes employment and secures a future for public services outside the NHS and schools.

This will come at a cost, however. In our paper, we show how the Chancellor could fund our package of proposed policies without increasing the pain on other areas of government, while remaining consistent with the government’s fiscal rules that require him to reach a surplus on overall government borrowing by 2019-20. We do not agree that the Government needs to reach a surplus in that year. But given this target wont be scrapped ahead of the spending review, we suggest that he should target a slightly lower surplus in 2019/20 of £7bn, with the deficit the year before being £2bn higher. In addition, we propose several revenue-raising measures in line with recent government tax policy that together would unlock an additional £5bn of resource for government departments.

Make no mistake, this will be a tough settlement for government departments and for public services. But the Chancellor does have a range of options open as he plans the upcoming spending review. Expect his reputation as a highly political Chancellor to be on full display.

Spencer Thompson is economic analyst at IPPR