How Tory by-election candidate Maria Hutchings attacked asylum seekers

The Conservative candidate for the Eastleigh by-election said in 2005: "I don't care about refugees".

The Conservatives' decision to select Maria Hutchings as their candidate for this month's Eastleigh by-election is not one that has been well received by all in the party. As one of Cameron's "A-list" candidates, Hutchings fought and lost the seat in 2010 (Chris Huhne increased his majority from 568 to 3,864) having risen to public attention following her ambushing of Tony Blair live on TV in 2005. To many Tories, she is exactly the kind of political novice that the party should avoid. 

But Hutchings's lack of experience is not the only problem for the Tories; there's also her past bigotry towards immigrants and asylum seekers. After attacking Blair over an alleged plan to close the special needs school her autistic son attended in Essex (Conservative-run Essex County Council later confirmed that no such plan existed), Hutchings was interviewed several times and had the following to say.

With an increasing number of immigrants and asylum seekers then the pot is reduced for the rest of us.

Mr Blair has got to stop focusing on issues around the world such as Afghanistan and Aids in Africa and concentrate on the issues that affect the people of Middle England, like myself who pay the taxes which keep the country going.

In another interview she remarked: 

I don't care about refugees. I care about my little boy and I want the treatment he deserves.

Given David Cameron's commitment to international development and the coalition's plan to increase aid spending from £8.65bn (0.56 per cent of GDP) this year to £11.7bn (0.7 per cent of GDP) in 2014-15, one wonders what Hutchings makes of Cameron's approach. 

If she regrets her 2005 comments, she should at least be required to say so. And if she doesn't, is there really room for her in the "modern, compassionate" Conservative Party that Cameron aspires to build? 

Conservative Eastleigh by-election candidate Maria Hutchings addresses the media at the Conservative headquarters in 2005. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Jeremy Corbyn's Labour conference speech shows how he's grown

The leader's confident address will have impressed even his fiercest foes. 

It is not just Jeremy Corbyn’s mandate that has been improved by his re-election. The Labour leader’s conference speech was, by some distance, the best he has delivered. He spoke with far greater confidence, clarity and energy than previously. From its self-deprecating opening onwards ("Virgin Trains assure me there are 800 empty seats") we saw a leader improved in almost every respect. 

Even Corbyn’s firecest foes will have found less to take issue with than they may have anticipated. He avoided picking a fight on Trident (unlike last year), delivered his most forceful condemnation of anti-Semitism (“an evil”) and, with the exception of the Iraq war, avoided attacks on New Labour’s record. The video which preceded his arrival, and highlighted achievements from the Blair-Brown years, was another olive branch. But deselection, which Corbyn again refused to denounce, will remain a running sore (MPs alleged that Hillsborough campaigner Sheila Coleman, who introduced Corbyn, is seeking to deselect Louise Ellman and backed the rival TUSC last May).

Corbyn is frequently charged with lacking policies. But his lengthy address contained several new ones: the removal of the cap on council borrowing (allowing an extra 60,000 houses to be built), a ban on arms sales to abusive regimes and an arts pupil premium in every primary school.

On policy, Corbyn frequently resembles Ed Miliband in his more radical moments, unrestrained by Ed Balls and other shadow cabinet members. He promised £500bn of infrastructure investment (spread over a decade with £150bn from the private sector), “a real living wage”, the renationalisation of the railways, rent controls and a ban on zero-hours contracts.

Labour’s greatest divisions are not over policy but rules, strategy and culture. Corbyn’s opponents will charge him with doing far too little to appeal to the unconverted - Conservative voters most of all. But he spoke with greater conviction than before of preparing for a general election (acknowledging that Labour faced an arithmetical “mountain”) and successfully delivered the attack lines he has often shunned.

“Even Theresa May gets it, that people want change,” he said. “That’s why she stood on the steps of Downing Street and talked about the inequalities and burning injustices in today’s Britain. She promised a country: ‘that works not for a privileged few but for every one of us’. But even if she manages to talk the talk, she can’t walk the walk. This isn’t a new government, it’s David Cameron’s government repackaged with progressive slogans but with a new harsh right-wing edge, taking the country backwards and dithering before the historic challenges of Brexit.”

After a second landslide victory, Corbyn is, for now, unassailable. Many MPs, having voted no confidence in him, will never serve on the frontbench. But an increasing number, recognising Corbyn’s immovability, speak once again of seeking to “make it work”. For all the ructions of this summer, Corbyn’s speech will have helped to persuade them that they can.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.