Blow for Cameron as more Tory MPs vote against gay marriage than in favour

136 Conservative MPs voted against the bill, with 127 voting in favour.

Update: The final figures show that 136 Tories voted against the bill, with 127 voting in favour and 40 abstaining. In other words, the majority of Conservative MPs failed to support equal marriage.

With the outcome of the vote on equal marriage never in doubt (MPs voted in favour of the bill by 400 to 175), the key question was always how many Conservatives would oppose the measure.

Based on initial reports, it appears that 139 Tory MPs voted against the bill, with 132 voting in favour. Were this not a free vote, the Tories would have equalled the largest postwar rebellion - the Iraq war vote in 2003. If accurate, the figures are disastrous for David Cameron. More than half of his MPs (of which there are 303 excluding speakers) chose either to oppose the measure or to abstain.

The Prime Minister hoped to use the vote on equal marriage to demonstrate how much his party has changed but he has ended up achieving the reverse. While ministers will point out that this was a free vote and so technically not a "rebellion", there is no disguising the fact that more Tory MPs opposed Cameron's position than supported it. That is a blow to his personal authority and to his claim to have "modernised" the Conservative Party.

David Cameron chats to guests at the Gay Pride reception in the garden at 10 Downing Street on June 16, 2010. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Is anyone prepared to solve the NHS funding crisis?

As long as the political taboo on raising taxes endures, the service will be in financial peril. 

It has long been clear that the NHS is in financial ill-health. But today's figures, conveniently delayed until after the Conservative conference, are still stunningly bad. The service ran a deficit of £930m between April and June (greater than the £820m recorded for the whole of the 2014/15 financial year) and is on course for a shortfall of at least £2bn this year - its worst position for a generation. 

Though often described as having been shielded from austerity, owing to its ring-fenced budget, the NHS is enduring the toughest spending settlement in its history. Since 1950, health spending has grown at an average annual rate of 4 per cent, but over the last parliament it rose by just 0.5 per cent. An ageing population, rising treatment costs and the social care crisis all mean that the NHS has to run merely to stand still. The Tories have pledged to provide £10bn more for the service but this still leaves £20bn of efficiency savings required. 

Speculation is now turning to whether George Osborne will provide an emergency injection of funds in the Autumn Statement on 25 November. But the long-term question is whether anyone is prepared to offer a sustainable solution to the crisis. Health experts argue that only a rise in general taxation (income tax, VAT, national insurance), patient charges or a hypothecated "health tax" will secure the future of a universal, high-quality service. But the political taboo against increasing taxes on all but the richest means no politician has ventured into this territory. Shadow health secretary Heidi Alexander has today called for the government to "find money urgently to get through the coming winter months". But the bigger question is whether, under Jeremy Corbyn, Labour is prepared to go beyond sticking-plaster solutions. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.