A living wage alone won't stop runaway inequality

As well as boosting pay for low earners, we need to tackle excessive pay at the top.

It is encouraging to see a growing number of businesses and local authorities adopting the living wage and this week's piece by Jeremy Warner, assistant editor of the Daily Telegraph, is proof that the movement has reached far and wide. In his article, Warner considers the adverse effects of low pay but, more importantly, identifies that pay levels are threatening to become more about PR than social justice.

For example, some of the living wage’s most prominent private sector advocates (KPMG, Barclays, HSBC) are unlikely to have a significant number of low-paid staff who would benefit from the policy and many cleaning and catering jobs are still outsourced. Only when we see organisations with large numbers of low-paid staff implementing the living wage will we know that the movement has truly arrived.

Warner also touches on a problem highlighted by the TUC last year: that an increasing proportion of companies’ money is going to profits, rather than wages. And it seems that the shift from wages to profits is hurting those at the bottom of the income scale much more than those at the top.

We cannot ignore the fact that some Goldman Sachs staff (the subject of Warner’s article) are still set to receive average bonus payments of £250,000. This reflects the findings of last year’s Incomes Data Services Directors’ Pay Report, which showed that the average wage rise for FTSE 100 directors was 27 per cent in 2011. With bank bonus season nearly upon us, there are undoubtedly more stories of astronomical rewards in the financial sector to come.

Meanwhile, at the other end of the income scale, the majority are feeling the effects of real-terms reductions in take-home pay (with 2012 seeing an increase in national average earnings of just 1.6 per cent on 2011). The consequent lack of demand does not bode well for the long term health of the economy and, as an increasing number of academics and commentators have illustrated, it is in fact inequality of income  rather than low pay alone, that leads to so many of the economic and social ills we associate with poverty.

It would be naïve, then, to think that we can negate the effects of income inequality merely by promoting policies like the living wage while turning a blind eye to runaway high pay. In order to tackle the negative effects of income inequality, the welcome enthusiasm to promote the living wage must be met with a willingness to tackle pay at the top.

A protestor marches down Market Street during a day of action in support of the Occupy Wall Street movement on December 2, 2011 in San Francisco, California. Photograph: Getty Images.

John Wood is policy and campaigns officer at One Society

Photo: Getty
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Like it or hate it, it doesn't matter: Brexit is happening, and we've got to make a success of it

It's time to stop complaining and start campaigning, says Stella Creasy.

A shortage of Marmite, arguments over exporting jam and angry Belgians. And that’s just this month.  As the Canadian trade deal stalls, and the government decides which cottage industry its will pick next as saviour for the nation, the British people are still no clearer getting an answer to what Brexit actually means. And they are also no clearer as to how they can have a say in how that question is answered.

To date there have been three stages to Brexit. The first was ideological: an ever-rising euroscepticism, rooted in a feeling that the costs the compromises working with others require were not comparable to the benefits. It oozed out, almost unnoticed, from its dormant home deep in the Labour left and the Tory right, stoked by Ukip to devastating effect.

The second stage was the campaign of that referendum itself: a focus on immigration over-riding a wider debate about free trade, and underpinned by the tempting and vague claim that, in an unstable, unfair world, control could be taken back. With any deal dependent on the agreement of twenty eight other countries, it has already proved a hollow victory.

For the last few months, these consequences of these two stages have dominated discussion, generating heat, but not light about what happens next. Neither has anything helped to bring back together those who feel their lives are increasingly at the mercy of a political and economic elite and those who fear Britain is retreating from being a world leader to a back water.

Little wonder the analogy most commonly and easily reached for by commentators has been that of a divorce. They speculate our coming separation from our EU partners is going to be messy, combative and rancorous. Trash talk from some - including those in charge of negotiating -  further feeds this perception. That’s why it is time for all sides to push onto Brexit part three: the practical stage. How and when is it actually going to happen?

A more constructive framework to use than marriage is one of a changing business, rather than a changing relationship. Whatever the solid economic benefits of EU membership, the British people decided the social and democratic costs had become too great. So now we must adapt.

Brexit should be as much about innovating in what we make and create as it is about seeking to renew our trading deals with the world. New products must be sought alongside new markets. This doesn’t have to mean cutting corners or cutting jobs, but it does mean being prepared to learn new skills and invest in helping those in industries that are struggling to make this leap to move on. The UK has an incredible and varied set of services and products to offer the world, but will need to focus on what we do well and uniquely here to thrive. This is easier said than done, but can also offer hope. Specialising and skilling up also means we can resist those who want us to jettison hard-won environmental and social protections as an alternative. 

Most accept such a transition will take time. But what is contested is that it will require openness. However, handing the public a done deal - however well mediated - will do little to address the division within our country. Ensuring the best deal in a way that can garner the public support it needs to work requires strong feedback channels. That is why transparency about the government's plans for Brexit is so important. Of course, a balance needs to be struck with the need to protect negotiating positions, but scrutiny by parliament- and by extension the public- will be vital. With so many differing factors at stake and choices to be made, MPs have to be able and willing to bring their constituents into the discussion not just about what Brexit actually entails, but also what kind of country Britain will be during and after the result - and their role in making it happen. 

Those who want to claim the engagement of parliament and the public undermines the referendum result are still in stages one and two of this debate, looking for someone to blame for past injustices, not building a better future for all. Our Marmite may be safe for the moment, but Brexit can’t remain a love it or hate it phenomenon. It’s time for everyone to get practical.