The unions give Labour the edge in the donations race

Labour received £3m between July and September, 82 per cent of which came from trade unions.

The latest political donation figures are out and they reveal that Labour raised more money than any other party between July and September. Excluding public funds, Ed Miliband's party received £3,011,858, compared to £2,613,496 for the Tories, and £578,087 for the Lib Dems.

Once again, it was the trade unions that gave Labour the edge, accounting for 82 per cent (£2,470,908) of all donations to the party, with the largest union, Unite, responsible for 26 per cent (£791,281). Back in 1994, when Tony Blair became Labour leader, the unions accounted for just a third of Labour's annual income, but the party has become increasingly dependent on them as private donations have fallen.

While there is no comparison between the unions and the big-money donors the Tories rely on, some in Labour are rightly questioning whether it is healthy for the party to be so dependent on a few sources of income. With Labour refusing to pledge to reverse any of the coalition's spending cuts and supporting George Osborne's public sector pay freeze, one also expects that some in the union movement will begin to ask whether they are getting value for money.

The Tories' largest donor was City financier and Tory co-treasurer Michael Farmer, who gave £525,560 to the party, followed by Stanley Fink, the "godfather" of the hedge fund industry and the man who replaced Peter Cruddas as the party's principal treasurer in March, who donated £151,900.

Unite general secretary Len McCluskey, whose union accounted for 26 per cent (£791,281) of all donations to Labour between July and September. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

Photo: Getty
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Scotland's vast deficit remains an obstacle to independence

Though the country's financial position has improved, independence would still risk severe austerity. 

For the SNP, the annual Scottish public spending figures bring good and bad news. The good news, such as it is, is that Scotland's deficit fell by £1.3bn in 2016/17. The bad news is that it remains £13.3bn or 8.3 per cent of GDP – three times the UK figure of 2.4 per cent (£46.2bn) and vastly higher than the white paper's worst case scenario of £5.5bn. 

These figures, it's important to note, include Scotland's geographic share of North Sea oil and gas revenue. The "oil bonus" that the SNP once boasted of has withered since the collapse in commodity prices. Though revenue rose from £56m the previous year to £208m, this remains a fraction of the £8bn recorded in 2011/12. Total public sector revenue was £312 per person below the UK average, while expenditure was £1,437 higher. Though the SNP is playing down the figures as "a snapshot", the white paper unambiguously stated: "GERS [Government Expenditure and Revenue Scotland] is the authoritative publication on Scotland’s public finances". 

As before, Nicola Sturgeon has warned of the threat posed by Brexit to the Scottish economy. But the country's black hole means the risks of independence remain immense. As a new state, Scotland would be forced to pay a premium on its debt, resulting in an even greater fiscal gap. Were it to use the pound without permission, with no independent central bank and no lender of last resort, borrowing costs would rise still further. To offset a Greek-style crisis, Scotland would be forced to impose dramatic austerity. 

Sturgeon is undoubtedly right to warn of the risks of Brexit (particularly of the "hard" variety). But for a large number of Scots, this is merely cause to avoid the added turmoil of independence. Though eventual EU membership would benefit Scotland, its UK trade is worth four times as much as that with Europe. 

Of course, for a true nationalist, economics is irrelevant. Independence is a good in itself and sovereignty always trumps prosperity (a point on which Scottish nationalists align with English Brexiteers). But if Scotland is to ever depart the UK, the SNP will need to win over pragmatists, too. In that quest, Scotland's deficit remains a vast obstacle. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.