Leveson day: what happens when?

Your timetable for today.

After eight months of hearings and 474 witnesses, today's the day we get to see the Leveson report. Here's a timetable of the key events.

8am Ed Miliband and his staff received five copies of the 2,000 page report earlier this morning. David Cameron and Nick Clegg were given copies yesterday. In a piece for the Guardian on Monday, Miliband wrote that the government should act on the report's recommendations provided that they are "reasonable and proportionate".

11am The inquiry's "core participants" and selected members of the media will be given access to the report in a secure "lock-in".

1:30pm The report will be published on the inquiry website and Lord Justice Leveson will make a short statement at the QEII Conference Centre in Westminster. He will not take questions and will not give any interviews.

With Leveson due to fly to Australia this weekend to take part in a conference on privacy regulation and to deliver a series of speeches on the future of the media, MPs may not get a chance to question him before Parliament rises on 20 December. The Times (£) reports that Leveson is "unlikely to be available as he is taking a holiday after making the speeches."

3pm Cameron will gave a Commons statement outlining the government's "direction of travel" and Miliband will respond for Labour. This will be folllowed by questions from MPs.

Nick Clegg will then give a separate statement setting out the Liberal Democrat position and Harriet Harman, in her capacity as shadow culture secretary, will respond for Labour.

Clegg said this morning: "I believe in a vigorous free press holding the powerful to account and not subject to political interference. But a free press does not and cannot mean a press that is free to bully innocent people or free to abuse grieving families. I hope when Lord Justice Leveson gives his statement later today, we’ll remember the reasons why this inquiry was set up."

Lord Justice Leveson at the launch of his inquiry into the press earlier this year. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

Getty
Show Hide image

Northern Ireland election results: a shift beneath the status quo

The power of the largest parties has been maintained, while newer parties running on nicher subjects with no connection to Northern Ireland’s traditional religious divide are rapidly rising.

After a long day of counting and tinkering with the region’s complex PR vote transfer sytem, Northern Irish election results are slowly starting to trickle in. Overall, the status quo of the largest parties has been maintained with Sinn Fein and the Democratic Unionist Party returning as the largest nationalist and unionist party respectively. However, beyond the immediate scope of the biggest parties, interesting changes are taking place. The two smaller nationalist and unionist parties appear to be losing support, while newer parties running on nicher subjects with no connection to Northern Ireland’s traditional religious divide are rapidly rising.

The most significant win of the night so far has been Gerry Carroll from People Before Profit who topped polls in the Republican heartland of West Belfast. Traditionally a Sinn Fein safe constituency and a former seat of party leader Gerry Adams, Carroll has won hearts at a local level after years of community work and anti-austerity activism. A second People Before Profit candidate Eamon McCann also holds a strong chance of winning a seat in Foyle. The hard-left party’s passionate defence of public services and anti-austerity politics have held sway with working class families in the Republican constituencies which both feature high unemployment levels and which are increasingly finding Republicanism’s focus on the constitutional question limiting in strained economic times.

The Green party is another smaller party which is slowly edging further into the mainstream. As one of the only pro-choice parties at Stormont which advocates for abortion to be legalised on a level with Great Britain’s 1967 Abortion Act, the party has found itself thrust into the spotlight in recent months following the prosecution of a number of women on abortion related offences.

The mixed-religion, cross-community Alliance party has experienced mixed results. Although it looks set to increase its result overall, one of the best known faces of the party, party leader David Ford, faces the real possibility of losing his seat in South Antrim following a poor performance as Justice Minister. Naomi Long, who sensationally beat First Minister Peter Robinson to take his East Belfast seat at the 2011 Westminster election before losing it again to a pan-unionist candidate, has been elected as Stormont MLA for the same constituency. Following her competent performance as MP and efforts to reach out to both Protestant and Catholic voters, she has been seen by many as a rising star in the party and could now represent a more appealing leader to Ford.

As these smaller parties slowly gain a foothold in Northern Ireland’s long-established and stagnant political landscape, it appears to be the smaller two nationalist and unionist parties which are losing out to them. The moderate nationalist party the SDLP risks losing previously safe seats such as well-known former minister Alex Attwood’s West Belfast seat. The party’s traditional, conservative values such as upholding the abortion ban and failing to embrace the campaign for same-sex marriage has alienated younger voters who instead may be drawn to Alliance, the Greens or People Before Profit. Local commentators have speculate that the party may fail to get enough support to qualify for a minister at the executive table.

The UUP are in a similar position on the unionist side of the spectrum. While popular with older voters, they lack the charismatic force of the DUP and progressive policies of the newer parties. Over the course of the last parliament, the party has aired the possibility of forming an official opposition rather than propping up the mandatory power-sharing coalition set out by the peace process. A few months ago, legislation will finally past to allow such an opposition to form. The UUP would not commit to saying whether they are planning on being the first party to take up that position. However, lacklustre election results may increase the appeal. As the SDLP suffers similar circumstances, they might well also see themselves attracted to the role and form a Stormont’s first official opposition together as a way of regaining relevance and esteem in a system where smaller parties are increasingly jostling for space.