Boris: Cameron should do "whatever it takes" to hire Lynton Crosby

Mayor of London says the Tories should "push the boat out, break the piggy bank, kill the fatted calf" to secure the services of his campaign manager.

In tomorrow's New Statesman, Boris Johnson adds his voice to those demanding that Lynton Crosby, the hard-nosed Australian political strategist, be installed as the Tories' campaign chief for the 2015 election. He tells Andrew Gimson, who has profiled Crosby for the issue, that the Tories should do "whatever it takes" to secure the services of the man who oversaw his election - and re-election - as Mayor of London. "Push the boat out, break the piggy bank, kill the fatted calf," he says.

Boris describes Crosby as "an absolutely brilliant campaign manager".

"I’ve never known anyone so good at motivating a campaign." He had "a thing called the pink cardigan", and "all these hordes of young people working for him". At the end of each day, he would throw the pink cardigan to someone who had “monstered the Labour Party or done something particularly distinguished".

As Gimson, the author of Boris: The Rise of Boris Johnson, notes, this is a "rare example of Johnson agreeing with something that Cameron and Osborne want to do." He adds: "The appointment would be popular on the Tory back benches, which assume Crosby would treat the Liberal Democrats far more roughly than Cameron has done. In the mayoral elections, he proved expert at harvesting Lib Dem votes for Johnson."

Yet it is precisely these virtues (in the Tories' eyes) that mean Cameron is wary of recruiting Crosby. The appointment of the man behind the Tories' 2005 "Are you thinking what we're thinking?"campaign would be viewed as an act of wilful provocation by the Lib Dems. The fear in Downing Street is that the arrival of "the Wizard of Oz" would threaten the coalition's fragile truce.

Lynton Crosby, who ran Boris Johnson's 2008 and 2012 election campaigns. Sketch: Dan Murrell.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Brexit is teaching the UK that it needs immigrants

Finally forced to confront the economic consequences of low migration, ministers are abandoning the easy rhetoric of the past.

Why did the UK vote to leave the EU? For conservatives, Brexit was about regaining parliamentary sovereignty. For socialists it was about escaping the single market. For still more it was a chance to punish David Cameron and George Osborne. But supreme among the causes was the desire to reduce immigration.

For years, as the government repeatedly missed its target to limit net migration to "tens of thousands", the EU provided a convenient scapegoat. The free movement of people allegedly made this ambition unachievable (even as non-European migration oustripped that from the continent). When Cameron, the author of the target, was later forced to argue that the price of leaving the EU was nevertheless too great, voters were unsurprisingly unconvinced.

But though the Leave campaign vowed to gain "control" of immigration, it was careful never to set a formal target. As many of its senior figures knew, reducing net migration to "tens of thousands" a year would come at an economic price (immigrants make a net fiscal contribution of £7bn a year). An OBR study found that with zero net migration, public sector debt would rise to 145 per cent of GDP by 2062-63, while with high net migration it would fall to 73 per cent. For the UK, with its poor productivity and sub-par infrastructure, immigration has long been an economic boon. 

When Theresa May became Prime Minister, some cabinet members hoped that she would abolish the net migration target in a "Nixon goes to China" moment. But rather than retreating, the former Home Secretary doubled down. She regards the target as essential on both political and policy grounds (and has rejected pleas to exempt foreign students). But though the same goal endures, Brexit is forcing ministers to reveal a rarely spoken truth: Britain needs immigrants.

Those who boasted during the referendum of their desire to reduce the number of newcomers have been forced to qualify their remarks. On last night's Question Time, Brexit secretary David Davis conceded that immigration woud not invariably fall following Brexit. "I cannot imagine that the policy will be anything other than that which is in the national interest, which means that from time to time we’ll need more, from time to time we’ll need less migrants."

Though Davis insisted that the government would eventually meet its "tens of thousands" target (while sounding rather unconvinced), he added: "The simple truth is that we have to manage this problem. You’ve got industry dependent on migrants. You’ve got social welfare, the national health service. You have to make sure they continue to work."

As my colleague Julia Rampen has charted, Davis's colleagues have inserted similar caveats. Andrea Leadsom, the Environment Secretary, who warned during the referendum that EU immigration could “overwhelm” Britain, has told farmers that she recognises “how important seasonal labour from the EU is to the everyday running of your businesses”. Others, such as the Health Secretary, Jeremy Hunt, the Business Secretary, Greg Clark, and the Communities Secretary, Sajid Javid, have issued similar guarantees to employers. Brexit is fuelling immigration nimbyism: “Fewer migrants, please, but not in my sector.”

The UK’s vote to leave the EU – and May’s decision to pursue a "hard Brexit" – has deprived the government of a convenient alibi for high immigration. Finally forced to confront the economic consequences of low migration, ministers are abandoning the easy rhetoric of the past. Brexit may have been caused by the supposed costs of immigration but it is becoming an education in its benefits.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.