Maggie's Men: her first cabinet in 1979

LEFT TO RIGHT, STANDING:

Michael Jopling, parliamentary secretary to the Treasury (chief whip), 1979-83, later agriculture secretary

Made a life peer in 1997, and father of BritArt super-dealer Jay Jopling. A grandee: Alan Clark claimed he dismissed Heseltine as a man who "bought all his own furniture".

Norman Fowler, transport secretary 1979-81, later social services secretary and then employment secretary

First minister to resign from the cabinet "to spend more time with my family" in 1990; later returned to spend more time with his colleagues as party chairman. Life peer, 2001; currently chairman of Lords communications committee.

John Biffen, chief secretary to the Treasury 1979-81. Later trade secretary, Lord President of the Council, leader of the House of Commons and Lord Privy Seal

Sacked after 1987 election, Biffen was a much-liked economic dry with a maverick streak. Bernard Ingham once described him as a "semi-detached member of the cabinet". Life peer, died in 2007.

David Howell, energy secretary 1979-81, later transport secretary

Now deputy Tory leader in the Lords, Howell is father-in-law to the shadow chancellor, George Osborne. Credited with having introduced the idea of privatisation in the late 1960s.

Norman St John-Stevas, Leader of the Commons, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, 1979-81

Responsible for creating select committees, but better known for coming up with "the Great She-Elephant" and "the Leaderene". Sacked in 1981. Ran Royal Fine Art Commission and was Master of Emmanuel, Cambridge.

Humphrey Atkins, Northern Ireland secretary 1979-81; later Lord Privy Seal

Affable man who was NI secretary during the IRA hunger strikes, he resigned with Lord Carrington over the 1982 Falklands invasion. Stood down 1987. Life peer; died 1996.

George Younger, Scottish secretary 1979-86, later defence secretary

One of Thatcher's longest-serving cabinet members, he also ran her leadership campaigns in 1989 and 1990. He resigned from parliament in 1992 to become chairman of RBS, becoming a life peer the same year. He died of cancer in 2003.

Michael Heseltine, environment secretary 1979-83; later defence secretary and Major's deputy PM

Millionaire publisher who brandished the Mace at Labour MPs in opposition. "Tarzan" resigned in 1986; his leadership challenge in 1990 led to Thatcher's downfall.

Nicholas Edwards, Welsh secretary 1979-87

In cabinet until he resigned in 1987, when he became a life peer. Has the distinction of being the only Tory Welsh secretary to have sat for a constituency in Wales.

Patrick Jenkin, health and social security secretary 1979-81; later industry secretary, then environment secretary

At Environment, Jenkin had many battles with local councils, whose power was reduced under Thatcher. Made a life peer in 1987; his son Bernard Jenkin is a Tory MP. Both are descended from Fleeming Jenkin, inventor of the cable car.

John Nott, trade secretary 1979-81, then defence secretary

Stormed off Question Time when labelled a "here today, gone tomorrow" politician by the host, Robin Day. Nott stepped down from politics in 1983 and was knighted the same year. He now lives in Cornwall, where he farms.

Mark Carlisle, education and science secretary 1979-81

Sacked from the cabinet in 1981 as one of the "wets", later life peer and judge in the Channel Islands. Clare Short decided to become an MP after working for him as a civil servant and thinking she could do better. Died in 2005.

Angus Maude, paymaster general 1979-81

Outspoken, sacked from shadow cabinet in the 1960s, was an early Thatcher supporter. Father of Francis Maude, junior minister under John Major. Resigned 1983. Life peer; died 1993.

Sir John Hunt, Baron Hunt: cabinet secretary 1973-79

A senior civil servant, Hunt stepped down as cabinet secretary the year Thatcher became PM, and was made a life peer in 1980. Later chairman of the Disasters Emergency Committee. He died in 2008.

LEFT TO RIGHT, SEATED:

Sir Ian Gilmour, Lord Privy Seal 1979-81

Urbane One Nation Tory. A baronet who once owned the Spectator, he had an acrimonious relationship with Thatcher. Was sacked in 1981. Remained on back benches until 1992, opposing policies such as the poll tax. Life peer; died in 2007.

Christopher Soames, Baron Soames: Lord President of the Council 1979-81

Winston Churchill's son-in-law, a vice-president of the European Commission and the last governor of Southern Rhodesia. He died from pancreatitis in 1987.

Sir Keith Joseph, industry secretary 1979-1981, later education secretary

Considered by many to be the driving intellectual force behind Thatcherism, he stepped down from the cabinet in 1986 and retired from parliament at the 1987 election. Died in December 1994.

Peter Carrington, Lord Carrington: foreign and overseas development secretary 1979-82

Last hereditary peer to hold one of the great offices of state. In cabinet under Heath and Douglas-Home. Resigned at the outbreak of the Falklands War, holding himself responsible for the failure to deter the Argentinian invasion. Nato secretary general, 1984-88.

William Whitelaw, home secretary 1979-83; later leader of the House of Lords, Lord President of the Council and deputy prime minister

Initially challenged Thatcher for the Conservative party leadership in 1979, but became famous for his loyalty to her, which she rewarded with the words: "Every prime minister needs a Willie." After the 1983 general election became a viscount, the last commoner to be created a hereditary peer.

Quintin Hogg, Baron Hailsham: Lord Chancellor 1979-87

Author of The Case for Conservatism in 1947. Theatrical barrister who had hoped to succeed Harold Macmillan as Tory leader in the 1960s. Author of the phrase "elective dictatorship", later much used about Margaret Thatcher, in 1976. He died in 2001.

Sir Geoffrey Howe, chancellor of the Exchequer 1979-83. Later foreign secretary, leader of the Commons, deputy prime minister

So somnolent in appearance and delivery that Denis Healey said being attacked by him was like "being savaged by a dead sheep", Howe was responsible for bold fiscal policies as chancellor. His resignation was followed swiftly by Thatcher's.

Francis Pym, defence secretary 1979-81, then foreign secretary

Leading Tory "wet" who lost his job after warning against over-large Commons majorities. Descended from the Roundhead John Pym, he stood down in 1987. Life peer; died 2008.

James Prior, employment secretary 1979-81; later Northern Ireland secretary

Avuncular figure who angered Thatcher by not being hard enough on the trade unions when employment secretary. Was demoted to NI instead. Stood down in 1987; made a life peer.

Peter Walker, agriculture minister, 1979-83; later energy secretary and Welsh secretary

A close ally of Edward Heath and founder of the Tory Reform Group. As energy secretary, was criticised by Thatcher for a supposed lack of zeal during the 1984-85 miners' strike, but was the only wet to serve in all her cabinets.

Research by Kate Ferguson and David Patrikarakos

This article first appeared in the 02 March 2009 issue of the New Statesman, Thatcher: 30 years on, the final verdict

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The New Times: Brexit, globalisation, the crisis in Labour and the future of the left

With essays by David Miliband, Paul Mason, John Harris, Lisa Nandy, Vince Cable and more.

Once again the “new times” are associated with the ascendancy of the right. The financial crash of 2007-2008 – and the Great Recession and sovereign debt crises that were a consequence of it – were meant to have marked the end of an era of runaway “turbocapitalism”. It never came close to happening. The crash was a crisis of capitalism but not the crisis of capitalism. As Lenin observed, there is “no such thing as an absolutely hopeless situation” for capitalism, and so we discovered again. Instead, the greatest burden of the period of fiscal retrenchment that followed the crash was carried by the poorest in society, those most directly affected by austerity, and this in turn has contributed to a deepening distrust of elites and a wider crisis of governance.

Where are we now and in which direction are we heading?

Some of the contributors to this special issue believe that we have reached the end of the “neoliberal” era. I am more sceptical. In any event, the end of neoliberalism, however you define it, will not lead to a social-democratic revival: it looks as if, in many Western countries, we are entering an age in which centre-left parties cannot form ruling majorities, having leaked support to nationalists, populists and more radical alternatives.

Certainly the British Labour Party, riven by a war between its parliamentary representatives and much of its membership, is in a critical condition. At the same time, Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has inspired a remarkable re-engagement with left-wing politics, even as his party slumps in the polls. His own views may seem frozen in time, but hundreds of thousands of people, many of them young graduates, have responded to his anti-austerity rhetoric, his candour and his shambolic, unspun style.

The EU referendum, in which as much as one-third of Labour supporters voted for Brexit, exposed another chasm in Labour – this time between educated metropolitan liberals and the more socially conservative white working class on whose loyalty the party has long depended. This no longer looks like a viable election-winning coalition, especially after the collapse of Labour in Scotland and the concomitant rise of nationalism in England.

In Marxism Today’s “New Times” issue of October 1988, Stuart Hall wrote: “The left seems not just displaced by Thatcherism, but disabled, flattened, becalmed by the very prospect of change; afraid of rooting itself in ‘the new’ and unable to make the leap of imagination required to engage the future.” Something similar could be said of the left today as it confronts Brexit, the disunities within the United Kingdom, and, in Theresa May, a prime minister who has indicated that she might be prepared to break with the orthodoxies of the past three decades.

The Labour leadership contest between Corbyn and Owen Smith was largely an exercise in nostalgia, both candidates seeking to revive policies that defined an era of mass production and working-class solidarity when Labour was strong. On matters such as immigration, digital disruption, the new gig economy or the power of networks, they had little to say. They proposed a politics of opposition – against austerity, against grammar schools. But what were they for? Neither man seemed capable of embracing the “leading edge of change” or of making the imaginative leap necessary to engage the future.

So is there a politics of the left that will allow us to ride with the currents of these turbulent “new times” and thus shape rather than be flattened by them? Over the next 34 pages 18 writers, offering many perspectives, attempt to answer this and related questions as they analyse the forces shaping a world in which power is shifting to the East, wars rage unchecked in the Middle East, refugees drown en masse in the Mediterranean, technology is outstripping our capacity to understand it, and globalisation begins to fragment.

— Jason Cowley, Editor 

Tom Kibasi on what the left fails to see

Philip Collins on why it's time for Labour to end its crisis

John Harris on why Labour is losing its heartland

Lisa Nandy on how Labour has been halted and hollowed out

David Runciman on networks and the digital revolution

John Gray on why the right, not the left, has grasped the new times

Mariana Mazzucato on why it's time for progressives to rethink capitalism

Robert Ford on why the left must reckon with the anger of those left behind

Ros Wynne-Jones on the people who need a Labour government most

Gary Gerstle on Corbyn, Sanders and the populist surge

Nick Pearce on why the left is haunted by the ghosts of the 1930s

Paul Mason on why the left must be ready to cause a commotion

Neal Lawson on what the new, 21st-century left needs now

Charles Leadbeater explains why we are all existentialists now

John Bew mourns the lost left

Marc Stears on why democracy is a long, hard, slow business

Vince Cable on how a financial crisis empowered the right

David Miliband on why the left needs to move forward, not back

This article first appeared in the 22 September 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The New Times