This is not just a devastating recession: this is the New Depression
Published 12 February 2009
This is not just a devastating recession: this is the New Depression
There are many characteristics we associate with Gordon Brown - stamina, intelligence, cunning, resilience, ruthless ambition - but humility is not one of them. Yet his widely reported remarks about how the global financial crisis had forced him to re-evaluate his entire economic world-view are worth returning to and reflecting on, especially in the context of Ed Balls's comments that we are in the grip of a crisis that could be even more severe than the Great Depression.
"This is the first financial crisis of the global age," Mr Brown said at the World Economic Forum in Davos last month. "And there is no clear map that has been set out from past experience to deal with it. I'm reminded of the story of Titian . . . the great painter who reached the age of 90, finished the last of his nearly 100 brilliant paintings, and said at the end of it, 'I'm finally beginning to learn how to paint,' and that is where we are."
In other words, Mr Brown did not know what he thought he knew. The crisis that is besieging the British economy is labyrinthine in complexity and quite unprecedented. This past week, the number of unemployed passed two million, and the expectation is that the figure will rise inexorably to three million and beyond, the 2.6 million people who claim Invalidity Benefit notwithstanding.
According to the Daily Mail, the Prime Minister's comments "provoked ridicule". In fact, what he said was as significant as Alan Greenspan's concession in October, following the bank bailouts, that he had "found a flaw. I have been very distressed by that fact . . .Those of us who have looked to the self-interest of lending institutions to protect shareholders' equity, myself especially, are in a state of shocked disbelief."
Messrs Greenspan, Brown, Balls, Darling, Bernanke, Paulson, King: they are all in a state of disbelief and stumbling in the dark. Debt-financed fiscal stimuli; the reduction of interest rates to zero; hasty, ill-thought-through tax cuts; a retreat into protectionism: these are the conventional weapons of battle being used in an economic war that, because of the interconnectedness of the global financial markets, is turning out to be quite unlike any other fought before. The reality of the situation is this: we are entering the New Depression. As Martin Jacques, who joins us this week as a columnist, writes in his essay on page 22, "the credit crunch is the most catastrophic example of market failure since 1945", but nobody has been able to understand, let alone grasp, its potential ramifications.
This is more than simply the end of an era - the end of 30 years of free-market fundamentalism, the end of the Anglo-American model of capitalism, the end of the Thatcher-Reagan consensus. This is a crisis that will utterly transform our politics, and there will be many victims. Before long, the detritus from the lives of the poor, the dispossessed, the unemployed and the homeless will lie scattered across our ravaged landscape. These are the very people, the weak and disadvantaged, who have historically looked to the state and to a Labour government to support them, to redistribute wealth as part of an attempt to create a fairer and more just society.
Yet this is a great moment of opportunity for the centre left, an opportunity to define a new kind of progressive politics, one that accepts the inherent limitations of the market and the indispensability of the state, a politics that recognises that the vacuous consumer capitalism of the new Labour years has enriched many of us, but also, somehow, left us poorer, more spiritually and psychologically bereft.
As Andrew Grice writes on page 10, there are many within the Labour government who envy the Conservatives' slogan of a "broken society", because it captures something of the general feeling of bewilderment at large in the country. Confidence has been shattered: companies cannot borrow, consumers cannot spend, unemployment is rising, there is no trust in the banks.
We do not believe that Britain is a broken society. It is a troubled country, however, whose politics is in urgent need of renewal. In the weeks and months to come, we will be publishing some of the world's best thinkers as we explain and analyse the crisis, as well as attempt to offer a way ahead. For what we seek - and the country demands - is new ideas, urgent alternatives to the failed politics of the post-Thatcher consensus.
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