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The new strikers

Jeremy Dear

Published 24 April 2008

The defeats of the Eighties mean nothing to today's young activists, who are not afraid to try strike action if it works, says Jeremy Dear, trade union leader

In 1989, 14 of us working for the Essex Chronicle walked out on strike. Striking was not in fashion. After the defeats of miners, dockers and printers, the popular refrain at union meetings was: "If the miners can't win, what chance have we?"

But then our management, backed by anti-trade-union legislation and growing in confidence as a result of Margaret Thatcher's assault on workplace rights, sat across the negotiating table from us and literally tore up our agreement. We were left with no choice. For months we picketed, lobbied and toured the country on our way to a glorious defeat. It was the period of glorious defeats - and the National Union of Journalists notched up its fair share.

For a generation, media employers had the whip hand, and the number of strikes plummeted. In many years, the NUJ recorded not one day of strike action; across the trade union movement as a whole, strike statistics fell year on year. We were derecognised, demoralised and managing decline.

Today, strike action is again on the agenda, and not just in the NUJ, but across the movement. There isn't a TUC General Council meeting that does not include reports from the front line of battles in transport, public services or the private sector. Demoralisation is a thing of the past. Years of pains taking organising, winning back recognition and rediscovering confidence in collective action are translating into a willingness to take the ultimate step - to walk out.

But it is not the same old story, or even the same old voices. Some of those who went through the battles of the Thatcher years remain wedded to the increasingly hard-to-justify policy of social partnership. However, many recently elected general secretaries (and some who have learned through bitter experience) know that neither government nor employers have any intention of maintaining quality pensions or protecting jobs in the face of globalisation.

Trade unions have become more professional, more dependent on carrying out high-quality research into tax avoidance, vulnerable workers, the impact of migration and much more. But the real battles are being waged by the workforce. Prison officers, civil servants, Tube and train staff, scientists, teachers and, yes, journalists and media workers are striking back.

New mood

More often than not, at the forefront of today's militancy is a new generation. More of our union reps over the past three years have been under 35 and more than half are women, unburdened by the baggage of years of defeat and decline.

A favourite refrain of managers is that strikes are caused by individual troublemakers or agitators. It is not so. Our reps are articulating a new mood among members. They have helped media companies deliver large profits over the past decade and expect a share of the spoils. On the political front they were told things could only get better under a Labour government. They feel let down by both. Over the past two years they have been asked to pay for economic uncertainty with pay restraint and job losses while shareholders and owners continue to reap the benefits. The new generation is not prepared to sit back and accept this situation without a fight. In that time the NUJ has had thousands of its members striking: at local newspapers in Coventry, Doncaster and Milton Keynes, at the BBC, at the Herald and Evening Times in Glasgow and in the first 24-hour strike action in national newspapers in the UK for more than 15 years at the Express papers and Daily Star. At dozens of workplaces, in both old and new media, members have voted to strike, thus securing last-minute deals on pay, on working conditions, on redundancy, staffing and professional issues.

Strikes and strike ballots - carefully planned, well organised and with clear goals - do deliver, even in the face of intransigent and powerful managements.

At the BBC we stopped compulsory redundancies. At the Herald and Evening Times in Glasgow we stopped plans to cut jobs. In Coventry and Milton Keynes we secured commitments to ease workloads. At the Guardian we secured a new agreement covering hours, pay and conditions.

Among the new activists, there is a greater sense of confidence and of the power of the collective to get results. And there is less fear. Too many young journalists can't afford a home, have debts they can't afford to pay and can barely live on their wages. "What have we got to lose?" they say.

No one goes on strike because they want to or because they think it is easy. The gains can seem small and the obstacles posed by anti-union laws insuperable (and the campaign to repeal them sadly not a priority for the TUC). But when jobs and conditions are under attack, the strike remains the ultimate weapon in the armoury of trade unions. And when your back's against the wall you use the weapons you have.

Jeremy Dear is general secretary of the National Union of Journalists and a member of the General Council of the TUC

tales from the picket line



  • Grunwick, 1977: Marek Kohn
  • In 1977, I was among thousands who crowded the streets of north-west London to support workers of the Grunwick film-processing plant in their unsuccessful struggle for recognition. One moment I was in an immobile mass, the next amid general chaos with open space behind me. I was grabbed by the hair, then spent the rest of the day in a Victorian cell. The police lied, claiming they told me personally to disperse. The beak was dissuaded from giving me three months at a detention centre and settled on a fine. It taught me a lesson about the police that has lasted a lifetime.
  • Wapping, 1986: Claire Tomalin
  • My chief memory of picketing at Wapping is of Nigella Lawson walking through the line of printers, so beautiful that they all stood slack-jawed and failed to shout at her. She was going in to make sure what had been my literary pages appeared. I was there because I could not stomach the way Murdoch and Neil dealt with the journalists, even though I knew something had to be done to curb the bad practices of the print unions. Maybe you had to be a brute to defeat them. But I walked out and never went back to journalism.
  • Orgreave, 1984: John Harris, photographer
  • Train drivers had refused to remove coke from the Orgreave works during the miners' strike, so a huge operation to move thousands of tonnes by a lorry convoy had begun. The miners called for a mass picket against the thousands of police. I took the picture above after a final charge by horses had scattered pickets and left a number injured. One was lying behind a wall unconscious. A woman called for the police to get an ambulance. A policeman charged towards her, shouting: "I'll have you, too, you fucking bitch." A miner pulled her back by her belt and the swing just missed. I had a couple of frames and escaped through the bushes. The picture ran everywhere (including in the Telegraph, which tried to discredit it). After that it was made into badges. There were cartoons, posters and T-shirts, and it was painted on to a miners' branch banner (still paraded at the Durham Gala). Much previous coverage had emphasised violent pickets. This showed the other side.
  • Hollywood, 2008: Peter Sears, writer for The Tonight Show with Jay Leno
  • The scriptwriters' strike was a great success. When our contract expired, the seven corporations that control the hugely profitable entertainment business in America said to the writers: "How about a pay cut?" and we said: "No." Their response was: "OK, go stand outside for three months without a pay cheque," and we said: "Fine." Their intent was to see if we caved. When we didn't, they did. The most important thing was achieving union jurisdiction on the internet, where all TV programming is headed. We will never earn back the money we lost but it's not about increasing the size of your own personal pile. That's something the people who run the corporations will never understand.

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3 comments from readers

A Friend Indeed
25 April 2008 at 14:07

Dear is in cloud cuckoo land. What exactly did the Express strike achieve? According to the NUJ's own website, staff accepted the 3% pay deal that was on offer before they went on strike. The same site suggests that at the Milton Keynes Citizen they too were offered 3%, went on strike for six days, and then...settled for 3%.

NUJ members might be willing to strike - good on them. But if their leaders acclaim results like these as great victories, then the membership will soon see through the hyperbole. Perhaps that is why members at the Express voted to return to work after just one day on the picket line - they realised that they were being led by people who saw strikes as an end in themselves?

johannine
28 April 2008 at 00:25

Striking is a blunt insrtument ,in the old days they used strike breakers , and in this neo [new] age its worker contoling legislation ,

Employers have set them selves up as slave [or serf] managers , without the need to feed , house and clothe them ,facilitated by govt that dosnt see serving its people as its duty [only serving their masters and the lobby]

What is needed is wage indexation [based on the true rate of inflation] ,but no two party [multinational / lobby controlled] government will do this willingly ,so collective action is required ,in the old days this was called a work to rule [or a go slow]

[i susp[ect public servants are on an ongoing go slow ''work to rule''] but anyway it isnt going to happen en mass [or perhaps has and this would explain much].

To a large extent the prior commentator says the truth [the 'leaders' of the strike are using the workforce for their own benefit and self advantage [all our leaders seem so intent to serve their own advantage.

I guess its all about productivity ,our leaders and bosses cant see that our productivity increases in proportion to our contentment ,funny how reduced wages yet see's the job get done [as those who lay off ever more workers have found]

But the quality of the job being done seems to have escaped their notice ,we are seeing proper maintanance fail ,as ever more public infastructure gets put into private hands ,we almost expect things to get worse [and they surely have , but the ignorant self serving elite hasnt noticed our work to rule ,go slow .

and wont realise it till the whole show collapses into a heap

[by then go slow will have become intrenched and no ammount of legislation will correct this

[time for govt to take the side of the worker ,or lose their power ,before we all lose a lot more than mere money or their pathetic servile [to special intrests] 'governance powers.

ok we couldnt strike but we struck back the only way we could ,by dying ever younger., and giving according to how the boss valued our efforts ,giving as we recieved ,the minimum we could get away with [same as our leaders]

writeon
30 April 2008 at 08:20

I think the most important line in the article is "What have we got to lose?" My experience and observations and conversations all point to this same attitude and feeling spreading among working people after three decades of Thatcherism. People have been pushed and pushed and pushed, and now they have no choice but to push back, or be pushed off a cliff edge!

It's very dangerous, stupid and arrogant for the ruling elite to adopt such a strategy where through their greed and brutality they provoke ordinary people way beyond endurance, force them to defend themselves and even fight back against their masters. Bizarre as it sounds, I think we are in a form of pre-revolutionary phase, with massive anger and severe discontent, barely concealed beneath the surface of British society, ready to explode and manifest itself in unexpected ways.

The State is clearly preparing for 'trouble at the mill' and disorder as the wheels begin to fall off the consumerist model of Capitalism and scarcity and hardship return on an unprecedented scale. We are heading towards substantial cuts in living standards for ordinary people and 'hard Capitalism' backed by the full force of the hard State. People will be forced to defend their living standards by striking and demonstrating in the streets, simply because they have virtually no political representation in Parliament where three conservative parties rule without question.

Once again this is a dangerous situation. A political system where ordinary people have no real political representation has no 'safety valve' or 'voice' and the only place left where one can express ones 'opposition' is in the streets.

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About the writer

Jeremy Dear

Jeremy Dear was elected as the NUJ’s youngest-ever General Secretary. He is also a former union President and National Executive Council member.

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