7 Days

Shipman death toll soars An official report concluded that the former Manchester GP Dr Harold Shipman was probably responsible for 236 deaths, but suggested that the death toll could be as high as 345. Shipman, Britain's most prolific serial killer, who was convicted on 15 counts of murder last year, is unlikely to face further prosecutions because there is insufficient evidence to put the cases before a court.

MoD bows to pressure over tests for troops In response to mounting domestic pressure and international research findings, the government agreed to screen Balkans veterans for contamination from depleted uranium used in US anti-tank shells. The government's refusal to offer the tests to troops involved in the Gulf war, where far greater numbers of DU-tipped shells were used, angered Gulf veterans.

Clinton's Middle East peace plan fails Palestinian negotiators rejected President Clinton's latest peace deal, arguing that it reflected Israel's position too closely and did not take into account the reservations set out by Yasser Arafat. Clinton had urged Palestinians to accept his proposals, in a final effort to secure an agreement before he leaves office on 20 January.

Old Bailey bust-up Ann Goddard QC was injured when a man leapt from an Old Bailey dock and punched her repeatedly in the face. The 64-year-old judge was taken to hospital after a policeman and a court clerk pulled the man off her.

Splat! Tony Blair's "unofficial" election campaign got off to an inauspicious start in Bristol when a 25-year-old protester against the bombing of Iraq threw a rotten tomato at him. The culprit was arrested and charged with criminal damage to Blair's jacket.

Return of the Mac ITN is to move its main nightly news bulletin back to 10pm from 22 January, following a drop in ratings and mounting public pressure. ITN's bulletin will now be at the same time as the BBC's.

This article first appeared in the 15 January 2001 issue of the New Statesman, Dotcoms will rise again

Photo: Dan Kitwood/Getty Images
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Conservative disunity is not all good news for Labour

The Tory leadership election could squeeze Labour out of the conversation, just like Blair and Brown did to the Tories.

The first test of opposition politics is relevance. Other key yardsticks - political plausibility, economic credibility, setting the agenda and developing a governing vision - all matter greatly. But making yourself a central part of the relentless cycle of daily politics, the terms of which are generally set by the governing party, is the first hurdle. It matters not whether you sign up to new politics or old: be relevant or wither. 

The issue of relevance is becoming a pressing issue for Labour. Take George Osborne’s favoured issue of the so-called national living wage.  Leave to one side the rights, wrongs and nuances of the policy and just consider the basic political dynamic it creates.  Osborne has, quite deliberately, set up a rolling five year argument over a steadily rising wage floor. On one side, is the Chancellor arguing that his policy is the right thing for Britain’s ranks of low paid workers. Pitted against him are ranks of chief executives of low-paying big business. With each impending hike they will holler at Osborne to go no further and the media will happily amplify the row. In response the Chancellor will quietly smile.

Sure, on occasions this will be uncomfortable stance for Mr Osborne (and if the economy takes a downward turn then his pledge will become incredible; there are always big risks with bold strokes).  Yet the dominant argument between the Conservatives and big business leaves Labour largely voiceless on an issue which for generations it has viewed as its own.

We may well see a similar dynamic in relation to the new national infrastructure commission – another idea that Osborne has plundered form Labour’s 2015 manifesto. It’s far too early to say what will come of its work looking at proposals for major new transport and energy projects (though those asserting it will just be a talking shop would do well not to under-estimate Andrew Adonis, its first Chair). But there is one thing we can already be confident about: the waves of argument it will generate between Osborne’s activist commissioners and various voices of conservatism. Every big infrastructure proposal will have noisy opponents, many residing on the right of British politics. On the issue of the future of the nation’s infrastructure – another touchstone theme for Labour – the opposition may struggle to get heard amid the din.

Or take the different and, for the government, highly exposing issue of cuts to tax credits. Here the emerging shape of the debate is between Osborne on one side and the Sun, Boris Johnson, various independent minded Conservative voices and economic think-tanks on the other. Labour will, of course, repeatedly and passionately condemn these cuts. But so have plenty of others and, for now at least, they are more colourful or credible (or both).  

The risk for the opposition is that a new rhythm of politics is established. Where the ideological undercurrent of the government steers it too far right, other voices not least those within the Conservative family - moderates and free-spirits emboldened by Labour’s current weakness; those with an eye on the forthcoming Tory leadership contest – get reported.  Where Osborne consciously decides to tack to the centre, the resulting rows will be between him and the generally Conservative supporting interests he upsets. Meanwhile, Labour is left struggling for air.

None of which is to say there are no paths back to relevance. There are all sorts of charges against the current government that, on the right issues, could be deployed - incompetence, complacency, inequity – by an effective opposition.  Nor is the elixir of relevance for a new opposition hard to divine: a distinct but plausible critique, forensic and timely research, and a credible and clear voice to deliver the message. But as yet we haven’t heard much of it.

Even in the best of times being in opposition is an enervating existence. Those out of power rarely get to set the terms of trade, even if they often like to tell themselves they can. Under Ed Miliband Labour had to strain – sometimes taking big risks - to establish its relevance in a novel era defined by the shifting dynamics of coalition politics. This time around Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour is up against a Chancellor willing to take risks and pick big fights: often with traditional Tory foes such as welfare claimants; but sometimes with people on his own side.  It’s also a new and challenging context. And one which Labour urgently needs to come to terms with.   

Gavin Kelly is chief executive of the Resolution Foundation