Wine online

Drink - Victoria Moore discovers a new netty way of buying booze

We know what Richard Branson thinks about bank accounts (you should only have one), air hostesses (they ought to be pretty) and what to put in the fridge (vodka and cola - Virgin, of course). Now we also know what he thinks about wine. Or, to be more precise, we know what he thinks we think about wine, because he's just rebranded the popular mail order/internet company Orgasmic Wines to capitalise on the Virgin trade name.

His company,, faces stiff competition. The net is awash with purveyors of fine wine and cheap plonk, from to, and that's before you even start on the likes of Oddbins and Victoria Wine and independent wine producers, many of whom have a web presence. The key to selling, as with all things netty, lies in the presentation of information. So what information does Branson think we require?

Traditionally, people have picked wine by country, and high-street off-licences reflect this trend by arranging their shelves accordingly. Those with more knowledge might narrow things down further by isolating a region, then still further (by this stage, people are usually showing off) by hunting out a particular producer. But some time a decade or so ago, wine became too mass market and its consumers insufficiently educated to cope with this, and we all began to make our wine selections according to the following esoteric criteria: 1) Red or white; 2) Less than £2.50; 3) Gosh this is a nice label - I've never seen one with a sunflower on it . . . I'll have that.

There's an off-licence on Westbourne Grove where wine-buying runs to a still more arcane system. Because west London is populated by muggers (apparently), all alcohol is kept behind glass and metal bars. Your personal method of selection is irrelevant, because your choice is always put through a scrambler that depends on which bottle the blind shopkeeper decides to pick up when you point towards the one you want. There is some element of gambling, and patience, involved in the purchase, because you do have the option to continue the charade of the shopkeeper picking up more and more bottles in the hope that they may be better than the last.

But enough of that. In the early Nineties, wine consumption was on the up. Seeing a gap, along came that great beast, the corporate marketeer, to bring us brands we could trust, and we began clinging for dear life to labels we knew - Ernest & Julio Gallo, Penfolds, Georges du Boeuf. Smart restaurants recognised that choice would only bewilder, and slimmed down their lists to offer one option at each price point. In the unlikely event that the customer happened to have acquired a piece of knowledge - say, that they didn't like "Chilean Merlot" - they'd simply be deflected up or down the wine list a notch.

Then we became snobs. It wasn't enough just to drink wine, we had to waft buzzwords around. Enter the varietal. Suddenly it was all Chardonnay this and Merlot that. Really clever people might cluster information together and have an idea that a chardonnay from Australia might be different to one from France. This is about the point at which Branson leaps into the fermentation vat. Hold tight, because is even more patronising than I have been thus far in this column. "Ever stood in a supermarket staring at a shelf marked Burgundy or Bordeaux full of bottles with pictures of a castle on the front, wondering which one is for you?" it asks. Its solution to the "which wine" question is simple. "We have come up with 13 wine STYLES based on what is important to you." So the latest thing is the "style", then. And according to Virgin's research, it would seem that we gravitate towards "Sancerre style", "Oaky Aussie Chardonnay style", "Glugging Reds", and "Huge Reds", among others. Just think. All those hours of prime-time TV with Jilly and Oz telling us about lychees, violets and petrol noses, and this is all we can do. And I hate to say it, but might just have got it right. It's really easy to find a wine you'll like on the site, whether you want "Something Familiar" or "Something Completely Different". So order from it now, before doing so becomes the last word in naff.

This article first appeared in the 17 July 2000 issue of the New Statesman, Special Report - Lost souls in the city in the sky

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What's to be done about racial inequality?

David Cameron's words on equal opportunities are to be welcomed - now for some action, says Sunder Katwala.

David Cameron made the strongest, clearest and most high profile statement about ethnic inequalities and the need to tackle discrimination ever yet offered by a British Prime Minister in his leader’s speech to the Conservative Party conference in Manchester.
“Picture this. You’ve graduated with a good degree. You send out your CV far and wide. But you get rejection after rejection. What’s wrong? It’s not the qualifications or the previous experience. It’s just two words at the top: first name, surname. Do you know that in our country today: even if they have exactly the same qualifications, people with white-sounding names are nearly twice as likely to get call backs for jobs than people with ethnic-sounding names? … That, in 21st century Britain, is disgraceful. We can talk all we want about opportunity, but it’s meaningless unless people are really judged equally”, said Cameron.
While the proof of the pudding will be in the eating, this was a powerfully argued Prime Ministerial intervention – and a particularly well-timed one, for three reasons.

Firstly, the Prime Minister was able to root his case in an all-but-universally accepted appeal for equal opportunities. It will always prove more difficult in practice to put political energy and resources behind efforts to remedy discrimination against a minority of the population unless a convincing fairness case is made that values cherished across our whole society are at stake. Cameron’s argument, that any party which tells itself that it is the party of the ‘fair chance’ and ‘the equal shot’ must have a response when there is such clear evidence of discrimination, should prove persuasive to a Conservative Party that has not seen race inequalities as its natural territory. Cameron argued that the same principles should animate responses to discrimination when it comes to race, gender and social class. Put like that, wanting job interviews to be fair – by eradicating conscious and unconscious patterns of bias wherever possible – would strike most Britons as offering as clear a case of the values of fair play as wanting the best baker to win the Great British Bake-Off on television.
Secondly, Cameron’s intervention comes at a potential "tipping point" moment for fair opportunities across ethnic groups. Traditionally, ethnic discrimination has been discussed primarily through the lens of its impact on the most marginalised. Certainly, persistent gaps in the criminal justice system, mental health provision and unemployment rates remain stark for some minority groups. What has been less noticed is the emergence of a much more complex pattern of opportunity and disadvantage – not least as a consequence of significant ethnic minority progress.

Most strikingly of all, in educational outcomes, historic attainment gaps between ethnic minorities and their white British peers have disappeared over the last decade. In the aggregate, ethnic minorities get better GCSE results on average. Ethnic minority Britons are more likely, not less likely, to be university graduates than their fellow citizens. 

As a result of that progress, Cameron’s intervention comes at a moment of significant potential – but significant risk too. Britain’s ethnic minorities are the youngest and fastest-growing sections of British society. If that educational progress translates into economic success, it will make a significant contribution to the "Great British Take-Off" that the Prime Minister envisions. But if that does not happen, with educational convergence combined with current ‘ethnic penalties’ in employment and income persisting, then that potential could well curdle into frustration that the British promise of equal opportunities is not being kept.  Cameron also mirrored his own language in committing himself to both a ‘fight against extremism’ and a ‘fight against discrimination’: while those are distinct challenges and causes, actively pursuing both tracks simultaneously has the potential, at least, depolarise some debates about responses to extremism  - and so to help deepen the broad social coalitions we need for a more cohesive society too.

Thirdly, Cameron’s challenge could mark an important deepening in the political competition between the major parties on race issues. Many have been struck by the increase in political attention on the centre-right to race issues over the last five to ten years. The focus has been on the politics of representation. By increasing the number of non-white Conservative MPs from two to seventeen since 2005, Cameron has sent a powerful signal that Labour’s traditional claim to be ‘the party of ethnic minorities’ would now be contested. Cameron was again able to celebrate in Manchester several ways in which his Cabinet and Parliamentary benches demonstrate many successful journeys of migrant and minority integration in British society. That might perhaps help to ease the fears, about integration being impossible in an era of higher immigration, which the Home Secretary had articulated the previous day.

So symbolism can matter. But facial diversity is not enough. The politics of ethnic minority opportunity needs to be about more than visits to gurdwaras, diversity nights at the party conference fringes and unveiling statues of Mahatma Gandhi in Parliament Square. Jeremy Corbyn’s first speech as Labour leader did include one brief celebratory reference to Britain’s ethnic diversity – “as I travelled the country during the leadership campaign it was wonderful to see the diversity of all the people in our country” – and to Labour bringing in more black, Asian and ethnic minority members - but it did not include any substantial content on discrimination. Tim Farron acknowledged during his leadership campaign that the Liberal Democrats have struggled to get to the starting-line on race and diversity at all. The opposition parties too will no doubt now be challenged to match not just the Prime Minister’s rhetorical commitment to challenging inequalities but also to propose how it could be done in practice.

Non-white Britons expect substance, not just symbolism from all of the parties on race inequalites.  Survation’s large survey of ethnic minority voters for British Future showed the Conservatives winning more ethnic minority support than ever before – but just 29 per cent of non-white respondents were confident that the Conservatives are committed to treating people of every ethnic background equally, while 54 per cent said this of Labour. Respondents were twice as likely to say that the Conservatives needto do more to reach out – and the Prime Minister would seem to be committed to showing that he has got that message.  Moreover, there is evidence that ethnic inclusion could be important in broadening a party’s appeal to other younger, urban and more liberal white voters too – which is why it made sense for this issue to form part of a broader attempt by David Cameron to colonise the broad centre of British politics in his Manchester speech.

But the case for caution is that there has been limited policy attention to ethnic inequalities under the last two governments. Restaurateur Iqbal Wahhab decided to give up his role chairing an ethnic minority taskforce for successive governments, unconvinced there was a political commitment to do much more than convene a talking shop. Lib Dem equalities minister Lynne Featherstone did push the CV discrimination issue – but many Conservatives were sceptical. Cameron’s new commitment may face similar challenges from those whose instinct is to worry that more attention to discrimination or bias in the jobs market will mean more red tape for business.

Labour had a separate race inequalities manifesto in 2015, outside of its main election manifesto, while the Conservative manifesto did not contain significant commitments to racial inequality. The mid-campaign launch in Croydon of a series of race equality pledges showed an increasing awareness of the growing importance of ethnic minority votes - though the fact that they all involved aiming for increases of 20 per cent by 2020 gave them a slightly back-of-the-envelope feel. 

Prime Ministerial commitments have an important agenda-setting function. A generation ago the Stephen Lawrence case opened the eyes of middle England to racist violence and police failures, particularly through the Daily Mail’s persistent challenging of those injustices. A Conservative Prime Minister’s words could similarly make a big difference in the mainstreaming of the issue of inequalities of opportunity. What action should follow words? Between now and next year’s party conference season, that must will now be the test for this Conservative government – and for their political opponents too. 

Sunder Katwala is director of British Future and former general secretary of the Fabian Society.