7 Days

Minister derailed The Indian railway minister offered to resign over the train crash in West Bengal that killed up to 500 people. Nitish Kumar said that he had a "moral responsibility" to hand in his resignation for the tragedy, in which a train travelling at 50mph crashed into an oncoming express, and blamed "criminal negligence" and a failure to invest in the Indian rail network.

Weakness not malice Hillary Clinton insisted that her husband's infidelity with Monica Lewinsky was a "sin of weakness, not a sin of malice". The first lady blamed a "terrible conflict" between Clinton's mother and grandmother for fuelling his sexual indiscretions.

Doubting George The Archbishop of Canterbury, George Carey, has voiced doubts about the resurrection of Jesus Christ - the central tenet of Christianity - claiming that we "cannot know" that Jesus was "raised by God from the dead". Dr Carey added that the resurrection "goes against human experience and our first instinct is incredulity".

Look away now Des Lynam, doyen of sports presenters, has defected from the BBC to ITV in a four-year deal reputed to net the 56-year-old £5 million. Lynam said he needed "a new challenge" and he was reported to be unhappy at the late Saturday night scheduling of Match of the Day.

Missing in action Lord Irvine, the Lord Chancellor, has ruled that the missing Earl of Lucan cannot be presumed dead, thus stopping his son from inheriting the title. "Lucky" Lucan, who would now be 64, has been missing since 1974 and is wanted by police in connection with the murder of his children's nanny, Sandra Rivett.

She not he An American grandmother of four was cleared of being a man. Kathy Jaeger's gender was questioned when she proved highly successful in the World Veteran Athletics Games in Gateshead.

This article first appeared in the 09 August 1999 issue of the New Statesman, Immortal longings grow again

Photo: Getty Images
Show Hide image

How can Britain become a nation of homeowners?

David Cameron must unlock the spirit of his postwar predecessors to get the housing market back on track. 

In the 1955 election, Anthony Eden described turning Britain into a “property-owning democracy” as his – and by extension, the Conservative Party’s – overarching mission.

60 years later, what’s changed? Then, as now, an Old Etonian sits in Downing Street. Then, as now, Labour are badly riven between left and right, with their last stay in government widely believed – by their activists at least – to have been a disappointment. Then as now, few commentators seriously believe the Tories will be out of power any time soon.

But as for a property-owning democracy? That’s going less well.

When Eden won in 1955, around a third of people owned their own homes. By the time the Conservative government gave way to Harold Wilson in 1964, 42 per cent of households were owner-occupiers.

That kicked off a long period – from the mid-50s right until the fall of the Berlin Wall – in which home ownership increased, before staying roughly flat at 70 per cent of the population from 1991 to 2001.

But over the course of the next decade, for the first time in over a hundred years, the proportion of owner-occupiers went to into reverse. Just 64 percent of households were owner-occupier in 2011. No-one seriously believes that number will have gone anywhere other than down by the time of the next census in 2021. Most troublingly, in London – which, for the most part, gives us a fairly accurate idea of what the demographics of Britain as a whole will be in 30 years’ time – more than half of households are now renters.

What’s gone wrong?

In short, property prices have shot out of reach of increasing numbers of people. The British housing market increasingly gets a failing grade at “Social Contract 101”: could someone, without a backstop of parental or family capital, entering the workforce today, working full-time, seriously hope to retire in 50 years in their own home with their mortgage paid off?

It’s useful to compare and contrast the policy levers of those two Old Etonians, Eden and Cameron. Cameron, so far, has favoured demand-side solutions: Help to Buy and the new Help to Buy ISA.

To take the second, newer of those two policy innovations first: the Help to Buy ISA. Does it work?

Well, if you are a pre-existing saver – you can’t use the Help to Buy ISA for another tax year. And you have to stop putting money into any existing ISAs. So anyone putting a little aside at the moment – not going to feel the benefit of a Help to Buy ISA.

And anyone solely reliant on a Help to Buy ISA – the most you can benefit from, if you are single, it is an extra three grand from the government. This is not going to shift any houses any time soon.

What it is is a bung for the only working-age demographic to have done well out of the Coalition: dual-earner couples with no children earning above average income.

What about Help to Buy itself? At the margins, Help to Buy is helping some people achieve completions – while driving up the big disincentive to home ownership in the shape of prices – and creating sub-prime style risks for the taxpayer in future.

Eden, in contrast, preferred supply-side policies: his government, like every peacetime government from Baldwin until Thatcher’s it was a housebuilding government.

Why are house prices so high? Because there aren’t enough of them. The sector is over-regulated, underprovided, there isn’t enough housing either for social lets or for buyers. And until today’s Conservatives rediscover the spirit of Eden, that is unlikely to change.

I was at a Conservative party fringe (I was on the far left, both in terms of seating and politics).This is what I said, minus the ums, the ahs, and the moment my screensaver kicked in.

Stephen Bush is editor of the Staggers, the New Statesman’s political blog.