Pakistan at a glance

Things you need to know about this fascinating country

The people

Pakistan is riven by internal conflict. Its 160 million people are divided into numerous ethnic groups, with violent feuds occurring between many of them, and some parts of the country remaining beyond government control.

Map commentary by Shabeeh Abbas

North-West Frontier Province (NWFP)

Smallest province in size but second-largest in population. Pashto speakers (Pashtuns) form a rough majority. Other groups speak Hindko and Seraiki. Pakistani Pashtuns have close ties with Pashtuns

in neighbouring Afghanistan. Many sympathise with the Taliban, though secular Pashtun nationalism also exists. There are tensions between Pashtuns and non-Pashtuns.

Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata)

Nominally government-controlled, but tribal leaders hold the real power. Bordering Afghanistan, this area is the centre of Taliban activity, smuggling and drug production. The town of Darra Adam Khel is one of the biggest illegal arms markets in the world. Reputed hideout of Osama bin Laden.

Baluchistan

Largest but least populated province. Rich in natural resources, it is Pakistan’s main source of natural gas. Baluchis are the main ethnic group. Exploitation of natural resources by a punjabi-dominated elite has brought them few benefits. Construction of Gwadar port and the influx of workers have led to fears that the Baluchis will become a minority in their own land. Baluch nationalist insurgency is ongoing. The province shares a border with Iran, so it is used by Jundullah, a militant Sunni group, to carry out attacks inside Iranian territory.

Northern Areas and Azad Kashmir

Azad Kashmir is the Pakistani-administered part of the former state of Jammu and Kashmir. Most people speak Hindko. The Northern Areas were also part of Jammu and Kashmir prior to independence. They rebelled successfully and chose integration with Pakistan in 1947. Not officially a province, they have no representation in parliament. Pakistan’s only Shia-majority region. There is strong resentment against the central government.

Punjab

Most populous province. Punjabi speakers form the main group. They dominate the military and are accused of exploiting other groups. Concentrated in the south, Seraiki speakers are the second-largest group. Most feel politically and economically neglected.

Sindh

Major site of the ancient Indus Valley civilisation. Sindhi speakers are the main group. Most follow

a Sufic version of Islam. “Honour killings” regularly occur in rural areas. Concentrated in urban areas, Urdu speakers are the second-largest group. Communal violence between the two sides killed thousands in the 1980s.

The economy

Pakistan's economy boomed in 2005, growing faster than it had for 20 years. It has now settled to a GDP growth of 6.6 per cent - average for Asian economies. Foreign direct investment (FDI) has risen from $322m in 2002 to $3.5bn in 2006. Most of the money is going into the telecommunications and petroleum industries.

In 2003, the country had fewer than three million mobile-phone users; today there are almost 50 million.

Car ownership has been increasing at roughly 40 per cent a year since 2001. Rolls-Royce and Porsche opened their first showrooms in Pakistan last year.

According to the World Bank, Pakistan is the second best country in south Asia for doing business. That said, it takes on average 560 hours per year to comply with all Pakistani tax regulations.

Sales of leather garments rose sharply in 2006: 48 per cent more than in the previous year.

More science and engineering doctoral students are expected to graduate annually - 1,500 a year by 2010, a hundredfold increase on the 1990s figure.

Real-estate prices in Lahore have risen more than 1,000 per cent since 2001.

Twenty-four per cent of the population lives in poverty, down only 1 per cent since 1990. Infant mortality is higher than average for south Asia.

Sarah O'Connor

The culture

Pakistan has six Unesco World Heritage Sites. These are the archaeological ruins at Mohenjodaro; Taxila; the Buddhist ruins of Takht-i-Bahi and nearby city remains at Sahr-i-Bahlol; the historical monument of Thatta; Shahi Fort and Shalimar Gardens in Lahore; and Rohtas Fort.

Basant is the famous kite-flying festival, centred in Lahore, that marks the coming of spring. It attracts crowds from all over the country.

Roughly a thousand new cybercafés are opening each year; more Google searches for "sex" emanate from Pakistan than from any other country.

Television has boomed since deregulation in 2002. More than 40 stations now include one hosting south Asia's first cross-dressing television star.

Abrar-ul-Haq is the pioneer of modern bhangra in Pakistan and one of the country's most influential figures in music.

Pakistan's "truck art" is world-famous: trucks are painted with calligraphy and popular images, such as film stars (far left).

Bapsi Sidhwa is the best-known Pakistani novelist. Her works include The Crow Eaters and Cracking India.

Lollywood refers to the Pakistan film industry, which is based in Lahore (left). Joint projects with Indian film-makers have been planned since 2004, but these have not yet materialised.

Junoon, meaning "passion" in Urdu, is Pakistan's most popular rock band, blending western and folk styles.

Shabeeh Abbas

Read more from our Pakistan special issue here

This article first appeared in the 30 April 2007 issue of the New Statesman, Pakistan: The Taliban takeover

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The New Times: Brexit, globalisation, the crisis in Labour and the future of the left

With essays by David Miliband, Paul Mason, John Harris, Lisa Nandy, Vince Cable and more.

Once again the “new times” are associated with the ascendancy of the right. The financial crash of 2007-2008 – and the Great Recession and sovereign debt crises that were a consequence of it – were meant to have marked the end of an era of runaway “turbocapitalism”. It never came close to happening. The crash was a crisis of capitalism but not the crisis of capitalism. As Lenin observed, there is “no such thing as an absolutely hopeless situation” for capitalism, and so we discovered again. Instead, the greatest burden of the period of fiscal retrenchment that followed the crash was carried by the poorest in society, those most directly affected by austerity, and this in turn has contributed to a deepening distrust of elites and a wider crisis of governance.

Where are we now and in which direction are we heading?

Some of the contributors to this special issue believe that we have reached the end of the “neoliberal” era. I am more sceptical. In any event, the end of neoliberalism, however you define it, will not lead to a social-democratic revival: it looks as if, in many Western countries, we are entering an age in which centre-left parties cannot form ruling majorities, having leaked support to nationalists, populists and more radical alternatives.

Certainly the British Labour Party, riven by a war between its parliamentary representatives and much of its membership, is in a critical condition. At the same time, Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has inspired a remarkable re-engagement with left-wing politics, even as his party slumps in the polls. His own views may seem frozen in time, but hundreds of thousands of people, many of them young graduates, have responded to his anti-austerity rhetoric, his candour and his shambolic, unspun style.

The EU referendum, in which as much as one-third of Labour supporters voted for Brexit, exposed another chasm in Labour – this time between educated metropolitan liberals and the more socially conservative white working class on whose loyalty the party has long depended. This no longer looks like a viable election-winning coalition, especially after the collapse of Labour in Scotland and the concomitant rise of nationalism in England.

In Marxism Today’s “New Times” issue of October 1988, Stuart Hall wrote: “The left seems not just displaced by Thatcherism, but disabled, flattened, becalmed by the very prospect of change; afraid of rooting itself in ‘the new’ and unable to make the leap of imagination required to engage the future.” Something similar could be said of the left today as it confronts Brexit, the disunities within the United Kingdom, and, in Theresa May, a prime minister who has indicated that she might be prepared to break with the orthodoxies of the past three decades.

The Labour leadership contest between Corbyn and Owen Smith was largely an exercise in nostalgia, both candidates seeking to revive policies that defined an era of mass production and working-class solidarity when Labour was strong. On matters such as immigration, digital disruption, the new gig economy or the power of networks, they had little to say. They proposed a politics of opposition – against austerity, against grammar schools. But what were they for? Neither man seemed capable of embracing the “leading edge of change” or of making the imaginative leap necessary to engage the future.

So is there a politics of the left that will allow us to ride with the currents of these turbulent “new times” and thus shape rather than be flattened by them? Over the next 34 pages 18 writers, offering many perspectives, attempt to answer this and related questions as they analyse the forces shaping a world in which power is shifting to the East, wars rage unchecked in the Middle East, refugees drown en masse in the Mediterranean, technology is outstripping our capacity to understand it, and globalisation begins to fragment.

— Jason Cowley, Editor 

Tom Kibasi on what the left fails to see

Philip Collins on why it's time for Labour to end its crisis

John Harris on why Labour is losing its heartland

Lisa Nandy on how Labour has been halted and hollowed out

David Runciman on networks and the digital revolution

John Gray on why the right, not the left, has grasped the new times

Mariana Mazzucato on why it's time for progressives to rethink capitalism

Robert Ford on why the left must reckon with the anger of those left behind

Ros Wynne-Jones on the people who need a Labour government most

Gary Gerstle on Corbyn, Sanders and the populist surge

Nick Pearce on why the left is haunted by the ghosts of the 1930s

Paul Mason on why the left must be ready to cause a commotion

Neal Lawson on what the new, 21st-century left needs now

Charles Leadbeater explains why we are all existentialists now

John Bew mourns the lost left

Marc Stears on why democracy is a long, hard, slow business

Vince Cable on how a financial crisis empowered the right

David Miliband on why the left needs to move forward, not back

This article first appeared in the 22 September 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The New Times