“Why WERE they left to shiver in rain for 4 hours?” demanded a Daily Mail headline.
Ah, yes, but a day late. The morning after the Thames jubilee pageant, not a single newspaper expressed the slightest concern at the effects of exposing an 86-year-old woman and a man one week short of his 91st birthday to weather conditions that caused 50 people to be treated for hypothermia.
Only after Prince Philip was taken to hospital with a bladder infection did journalists belatedly express their compassion. Which suggests that they and most of the rest of the population, for all their cringing towards royalty, don’t care a coronation cake crumb about Mrs Windsor and her spouse. They are guilty of what the philosopher Martha Nussbaum has called “a denial of subjectivity”, treating two human beings as things without concern for their feelings and experiences.
Right-wing newspapers never lose an opportunity to denigrate the BBC, just as they denigrate the NHS and the Church of England, all three being, at least partially, among the few non-market institutions left in Britain. Predictably, they berated the Beeb’s coverage of the Thames pageant. But it was for the wrong reasons, such as the solecism of describing the Queen as Her Royal Highness instead of Her Majesty.
What I found more irritating was that, when the producers weren’t bringing us the non-thoughts of, for example, Fearne Cotton, Matt Baker, Anneka Rice, Sandi Toksvig, Richard E Grant and some boy band I’d never heard of, they had the cameras focused on the Queen and her family. Surely even royalists know what the Queen looks like and can accept that what she is thinking (even about being stranded in the middle of a river during a monsoon) will forever remain a closed book.
As a republican, I watched because I was interested in the spectacle and particularly the ships. I wanted to know more about them, including the role that some played at Dunkirk.
I wanted to know more about the history of the Thames. The BBC offered no more than mere snippets. But perhaps, confronted by royalty, most of the population can do no more than gawp in an incurious stupor.
When we hear of civilians being massacred in a faraway country, the cry goes up: Something Must Be Done. After the killing of more than 100 people, half of them thought to be children, in the Syrian town of Houla, William Hague, the Foreign Secretary, said the situation was “so grave, so serious and so rapidly deteriorating” that no option could be ruled out.
Here is one thing that can be done. The west can itself stop killing children. CIA drone strikes in Pakistan have murdered between 482 and 830 civilians, including 175 children, according to the London-based Bureau of Investigative Journalism. Covert US actions in Yemen are responsible for the deaths of between 58 and 138 civilians, including 24 children. True, the US did not walk into children’s homes to shoot them like the Syrian militias. The missiles delivered by the drones can be operated by pressing a button in Nevada. But the children are still dead.
If a eurozone banking union comes about, as now seems possible, it would, as even Angela Merkel acknowledges, entail the final step towards a European federation, in which fiscal policies are run from Brussels just as US fiscal policies are from Washington. Why have so many politicians, Continental as well as British, been in denial about this for so long? It was the goal of the European project from the moment the European Coal and Steel Community, the precursor of the EU, was proposed in 1950.
The then French foreign minister, Robert Schuman, spelled it out. “The pooling of coal and steel production,” he said, “should immediately provide for the setting up of common foundations for economic development as a first step in the federation of Europe.”
Schuman was not an eloquent man, nor was pooling coal and steel production a romantic idea. But his aim was the noble one of making another European war impossible and the greatest failure of European politicians for the past 60 years is that, with rare exceptions, they have lost sight of his vision and tried to sell the EU as little more than a device for getting richer.
When the local police gave up parking enforcement and the council delayed taking on the responsibility, Aberystwyth was liberated for 12 months from those most hated of public servants, traffic wardens. The predictable result was that people parked wherever they pleased, bringing traffic to a standstill and motorists to blows. Now the wardens are welcomed back like long-lost friends. I wonder if other towns of similar size could be persuaded to try a year without other reviled public servants, such as health and safety officers. How long would it take before employers dispensed with first aid boxes, properly equipped toilets, drinking water, adequate ventilation, tolerable temperatures, handrails on staircases and other requirements of health and safety legislation? The results of this and similar experiments could create a renewed appreciation, perhaps even among Tory MPs, of the public sector’s merits.
After the ball was over, after the break of morn, what hope for republicans? Just a glimmer.
According to Brand Finance (which calls itself “the world’s leading brand valuation consultancy”), the monarchy is worth £44.5bn, with physical assets such as the crown jewels and the palaces valued at £18.1bn. If George Osborne continues to make a mess of the economy, we shall have to sell it off, along with a few uninhabited Scottish islands.