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The NS Interview: David Remnick, editor of the New Yorker

“The fist-bump cover? Obama’s people were not amused”

“The fist-bump cover? Obama’s people were not amused”

Do you vote?
I do. Most journalists do. Len Downie, who was the editor of the Washington Post, very concertedly did not vote. He was a superb journalist but, to me, that was too decorous by half. I'm a civilian, a citizen.

You once said of Ben Bradlee that an editor should be like a general, inspiring the enlisted.
The editor of a big national newspaper, like Ben Bradlee was at the Washington Post, is the general of hundreds of people. The New Yorker is a smaller, more subtle operation.

Your background is in newspapers. How has that affected the magazine?
The last thing we should be doing is playing a newspaper game! That aspect is very slight.

You've discussed protecting the New Yorker's "core" - long-form journalism.
What makes it successful is the whole of it. Very rarely is there a spike in news-stand sales. For more commercial magazines, like Vanity Fair, the cover can make a huge difference.

What about your Obama fist-bump cover?
That sold a lot of copies because it became . . . what's the opposite of a cause célèbre? The Obama people were unamused, but we're not publishing covers to amuse powerful people.

When you were writing your biography of Obama, how much time did you have with him?
I had an hour the first time, and close to an hour the second time. But the more valuable reporting is the next level down, and the next.

What was your impression of the young Obama?
He was an OK student and a curious kid, but he was having a good time, too. He got a lot more serious when he got to Columbia. But even there, he took a course with Edward Said and hated it - he found it too fancy, too theoretical. Then, at Harvard Law School, his main intellectual influences were the straight-up liberals.

Such as?
Larry Tribe and Martha Minow, the constitutional scholars. The liberal mainstream. He's a man of the centre left.

In your book, you talk about what you call Obama's "multilingualism".
He speaks to different groups using different languages without losing who he is. Right-wing bloggers take this as proof that he's a phoney, but it is the talent of any first-rate rhetorician.

His poll numbers aren't looking great.
If you're the president, all that oil is going to rub off on you.

Isn't there concern about his competence?
Look, I have concerns about him, but I don't see a lack of competence. Nobody knows what the government should do. We're in BP's hands.

What about before the oil spill?
About his competence? I don't think so. About character, sure. Columnists like Maureen Dowd see him as arrogant and self-regarding.

The American left seems frustrated by him.
He believes in conservative means to liberal ends. The health-care programme is a gigantic advance, but it's not universal. So he's just put
32 million Americans on the health-care roll, and it didn't help his poll numbers at all.

Why has the US right wing become so strident?
All but true believers came to see Bush as a failure. To some extent, the mainstream's absence means the Tea Party is the Republican Party.

Is the Tea Party Obama's best hope of getting re-elected?
No. I'd rue the day I said that. If it came to an election between Obama and Sarah Palin, I think Obama would win. But you can't say these things categorically. Events, dear boy . . .

You seem relatively sanguine about the right.
American movements of this kind can be quite powerful, but they don't elect presidents.

Is there a Republican candidate on the horizon?
The name on everyone's lips is Sarah Palin, but I don't see her winning, unless we all go mad. Although there's a precedent for that.

Is there a plan?
If God had a plan, God was a fantastic comedian. There's a scene in The Human Stain by Philip Roth where Nathan Zuckerman is listening to an orchestra rehearse. People are having a good time and all he can think of is that, in 40 years, every single one of them will be dead.

What would you like to forget?
That God is an excellent comedian.

Are we all doomed?
I am. But you're asking about mankind. Nature is cold, wet, hard and unforgiving. Yet people seem to like it, and we're doing our damnedest to destroy it. It scares the hell out of me. We need worldwide self-denial and a technological revolution. It's asking everything, yet everything depends on it. Sorry to bum you out.

Defining Moments

1958 Born in Hackensack, New Jersey
1981 Graduates from Princeton
1982 Joins the Washington Post, eventually becoming the paper's Moscow reporter
1992 Becomes a New Yorker staff writer
1994Lenin's Tomb, about the collapse of the Soviet Union, wins a Pulitzer prize
1998 Succeeds Tina Brown as editor of the New Yorker, a position he continues to hold
2010 The Bridge, his 672-page biography of Barack Obama, is published

Jonathan Derbyshire is Managing Editor of Prospect. He was formerly Culture Editor of the New Statesman.

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The New Times: Brexit, globalisation, the crisis in Labour and the future of the left

With essays by David Miliband, Paul Mason, John Harris, Lisa Nandy, Vince Cable and more.

Once again the “new times” are associated with the ascendancy of the right. The financial crash of 2007-2008 – and the Great Recession and sovereign debt crises that were a consequence of it – were meant to have marked the end of an era of runaway “turbocapitalism”. It never came close to happening. The crash was a crisis of capitalism but not the crisis of capitalism. As Lenin observed, there is “no such thing as an absolutely hopeless situation” for capitalism, and so we discovered again. Instead, the greatest burden of the period of fiscal retrenchment that followed the crash was carried by the poorest in society, those most directly affected by austerity, and this in turn has contributed to a deepening distrust of elites and a wider crisis of governance.

Where are we now and in which direction are we heading?

Some of the contributors to this special issue believe that we have reached the end of the “neoliberal” era. I am more sceptical. In any event, the end of neoliberalism, however you define it, will not lead to a social-democratic revival: it looks as if, in many Western countries, we are entering an age in which centre-left parties cannot form ruling majorities, having leaked support to nationalists, populists and more radical alternatives.

Certainly the British Labour Party, riven by a war between its parliamentary representatives and much of its membership, is in a critical condition. At the same time, Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has inspired a remarkable re-engagement with left-wing politics, even as his party slumps in the polls. His own views may seem frozen in time, but hundreds of thousands of people, many of them young graduates, have responded to his anti-austerity rhetoric, his candour and his shambolic, unspun style.

The EU referendum, in which as much as one-third of Labour supporters voted for Brexit, exposed another chasm in Labour – this time between educated metropolitan liberals and the more socially conservative white working class on whose loyalty the party has long depended. This no longer looks like a viable election-winning coalition, especially after the collapse of Labour in Scotland and the concomitant rise of nationalism in England.

In Marxism Today’s “New Times” issue of October 1988, Stuart Hall wrote: “The left seems not just displaced by Thatcherism, but disabled, flattened, becalmed by the very prospect of change; afraid of rooting itself in ‘the new’ and unable to make the leap of imagination required to engage the future.” Something similar could be said of the left today as it confronts Brexit, the disunities within the United Kingdom, and, in Theresa May, a prime minister who has indicated that she might be prepared to break with the orthodoxies of the past three decades.

The Labour leadership contest between Corbyn and Owen Smith was largely an exercise in nostalgia, both candidates seeking to revive policies that defined an era of mass production and working-class solidarity when Labour was strong. On matters such as immigration, digital disruption, the new gig economy or the power of networks, they had little to say. They proposed a politics of opposition – against austerity, against grammar schools. But what were they for? Neither man seemed capable of embracing the “leading edge of change” or of making the imaginative leap necessary to engage the future.

So is there a politics of the left that will allow us to ride with the currents of these turbulent “new times” and thus shape rather than be flattened by them? Over the next 34 pages 18 writers, offering many perspectives, attempt to answer this and related questions as they analyse the forces shaping a world in which power is shifting to the East, wars rage unchecked in the Middle East, refugees drown en masse in the Mediterranean, technology is outstripping our capacity to understand it, and globalisation begins to fragment.

— Jason Cowley, Editor 

Tom Kibasi on what the left fails to see

Philip Collins on why it's time for Labour to end its crisis

John Harris on why Labour is losing its heartland

Lisa Nandy on how Labour has been halted and hollowed out

David Runciman on networks and the digital revolution

John Gray on why the right, not the left, has grasped the new times

Mariana Mazzucato on why it's time for progressives to rethink capitalism

Robert Ford on why the left must reckon with the anger of those left behind

Ros Wynne-Jones on the people who need a Labour government most

Gary Gerstle on Corbyn, Sanders and the populist surge

Nick Pearce on why the left is haunted by the ghosts of the 1930s

Paul Mason on why the left must be ready to cause a commotion

Neal Lawson on what the new, 21st-century left needs now

Charles Leadbeater explains why we are all existentialists now

John Bew mourns the lost left

Marc Stears on why democracy is a long, hard, slow business

Vince Cable on how a financial crisis empowered the right

David Miliband on why the left needs to move forward, not back

This article first appeared in the 22 September 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The New Times