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Don’t be a smiler if you want to be a winner

Hunter Davies' "The Fan" column.

Well done Steven Gerrard on reaching your 100th cap for England. OK, so it’s two days to go, as I write, till the friendly against Sweden and anything could happen, earthquake, lights fail, the coach breaks down, Stevie falls off his wallet, cuts his head off shaving, or he might not get picked.

Notwithstanding and néanmoins, which is French, as Stevie well knows, having played against them loads, what I am really looking forward to is – will Stevie smile? Have you ever, knowingly, consciously, seen him smile? I suppose he must have done, for a brief few seconds, back in 2005 when Liverpool won the Champions League, but not since. Those baggy eyes, that tight mouth, that set jaw, they were not made for laughing.

I need talk. One of my many reveries in the night, after I have picked my eight Desert Island Discs, thought of a witty reply to Rosanna Greenstreet when she asks me how often I have sex, listed all the funny things that have happened to me in connection with spoons, is to work out my replies when the Guardian asks me What I See in the Mirror. I always end up with same answer – a Miserable Old Sod. That’s the troof, as our son used to say, aged four. But come on, I am ancient, in fact I am surprised I am still here, in work, so don’t be surprised if I fall asleep at the end of this paragraph and have to go for a lie down, ohhhh zzzzzzz, sorry, where was I?

I can’t help looking gloomy, not at this age, oh the troubles I’ve seen; and the war, it was agony, the lines and wrinkles. We didn’t have no cream in them days, apart from the stuff we put on our lettuce and boiled egg salad.

So it’s not surprising that my normal face is not wreathed in beams and smiles. Must rest, my knee is killing me.

But Stevie is only 32, at the height of his physical powers, fit in every sense, a multimillionaire, lauded and loved by all – and yet he still never seems to smile.

I don’t think I’ve seen Paul Scholes smile either, but then he does have asthma. I know only too well that it does help with your breathing if you keep your mouth slightly open, the better to help the air flow, even if it precludes smiling.

John Terry, now he is a proper scowler –wouldn’t like to meet him on a dark pitch, or any pitch.

Top teeth

It does occasionally happen, that top players have been caught smiling. Dwight Yorke used to be known for his toothy smile, although it was noticeable that towards the end of his career his smiles were less frequent. Too worried about the team sheet. Emmanuel Adebayor, last seen at Spurs, has often been seen to smile but I think that is more to do with prominent teeth than genuine delight.

Joe Hart, the Man City and England goalie – you can often catch him smiling, exchanging banter with his defenders and even the opposition, but not asoften as before, now that he’s started making silly mistakes and getting too confident.

David Nugent – remember him? – one appearance for England, then was in the Premiership with Portsmouth. He’s currently starring, if that is the right word to use, with Leicester. I spotted him playing last Saturday in the game against Nottingham Forest – and he was still giving little twinkly smiles, even when he had made a mistake, such as hitting the corner flag instead of the goals.

It is probably this weakness, those little smiles, that explains why he had dropped down into the Championship. Coaches don’t like smilers.

You never see Fergie smiling. No time, really, with all that chewing, plus tapping his watch, glaring at the ref. As for Wenger, my God, he thinks life is a funeral, which is why each day he dresses and glooms as if at a wake. Ron Atkinson did smile, showing he liked a larf, as did Harry Redknapp. But where are they now, you immediately point out.

The answer lies in the soil, on the sweet earth they played on when they was lads – that’s when they smiled. When I wrote a book called The Glory Game, behind the scenes at Tottenham hundreds of years ago, I asked the first team pool at Spurs if they were happier now, playing for a top team in the top division, than they were at 15 playing football for their school. Eleven out of the 18 said they enjoyed their football so much more at 15. The pleasure had gone. Too much pressure.

Playing football is a hard job, sweated labour, factory work, the best bit for most is when the whistle blows. So good luck, Stevie. Let’s hope you put in a good shift.

Hunter Davies is a journalist, broadcaster and profilic author perhaps best known for writing about the Beatles. He is an ardent Tottenham fan and writes a regular column on football for the New Statesman.

This article first appeared in the 19 November 2012 issue of the New Statesman, The plot against the BBC

Photo: Getty Images
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What's to be done about racial inequality?

David Cameron's words on equal opportunities are to be welcomed - now for some action, says Sunder Katwala.

David Cameron made the strongest, clearest and most high profile statement about ethnic inequalities and the need to tackle discrimination ever yet offered by a British Prime Minister in his leader’s speech to the Conservative Party conference in Manchester.
“Picture this. You’ve graduated with a good degree. You send out your CV far and wide. But you get rejection after rejection. What’s wrong? It’s not the qualifications or the previous experience. It’s just two words at the top: first name, surname. Do you know that in our country today: even if they have exactly the same qualifications, people with white-sounding names are nearly twice as likely to get call backs for jobs than people with ethnic-sounding names? … That, in 21st century Britain, is disgraceful. We can talk all we want about opportunity, but it’s meaningless unless people are really judged equally”, said Cameron.
While the proof of the pudding will be in the eating, this was a powerfully argued Prime Ministerial intervention – and a particularly well-timed one, for three reasons.

Firstly, the Prime Minister was able to root his case in an all-but-universally accepted appeal for equal opportunities. It will always prove more difficult in practice to put political energy and resources behind efforts to remedy discrimination against a minority of the population unless a convincing fairness case is made that values cherished across our whole society are at stake. Cameron’s argument, that any party which tells itself that it is the party of the ‘fair chance’ and ‘the equal shot’ must have a response when there is such clear evidence of discrimination, should prove persuasive to a Conservative Party that has not seen race inequalities as its natural territory. Cameron argued that the same principles should animate responses to discrimination when it comes to race, gender and social class. Put like that, wanting job interviews to be fair – by eradicating conscious and unconscious patterns of bias wherever possible – would strike most Britons as offering as clear a case of the values of fair play as wanting the best baker to win the Great British Bake-Off on television.
Secondly, Cameron’s intervention comes at a potential "tipping point" moment for fair opportunities across ethnic groups. Traditionally, ethnic discrimination has been discussed primarily through the lens of its impact on the most marginalised. Certainly, persistent gaps in the criminal justice system, mental health provision and unemployment rates remain stark for some minority groups. What has been less noticed is the emergence of a much more complex pattern of opportunity and disadvantage – not least as a consequence of significant ethnic minority progress.

Most strikingly of all, in educational outcomes, historic attainment gaps between ethnic minorities and their white British peers have disappeared over the last decade. In the aggregate, ethnic minorities get better GCSE results on average. Ethnic minority Britons are more likely, not less likely, to be university graduates than their fellow citizens. 

As a result of that progress, Cameron’s intervention comes at a moment of significant potential – but significant risk too. Britain’s ethnic minorities are the youngest and fastest-growing sections of British society. If that educational progress translates into economic success, it will make a significant contribution to the "Great British Take-Off" that the Prime Minister envisions. But if that does not happen, with educational convergence combined with current ‘ethnic penalties’ in employment and income persisting, then that potential could well curdle into frustration that the British promise of equal opportunities is not being kept.  Cameron also mirrored his own language in committing himself to both a ‘fight against extremism’ and a ‘fight against discrimination’: while those are distinct challenges and causes, actively pursuing both tracks simultaneously has the potential, at least, depolarise some debates about responses to extremism  - and so to help deepen the broad social coalitions we need for a more cohesive society too.

Thirdly, Cameron’s challenge could mark an important deepening in the political competition between the major parties on race issues. Many have been struck by the increase in political attention on the centre-right to race issues over the last five to ten years. The focus has been on the politics of representation. By increasing the number of non-white Conservative MPs from two to seventeen since 2005, Cameron has sent a powerful signal that Labour’s traditional claim to be ‘the party of ethnic minorities’ would now be contested. Cameron was again able to celebrate in Manchester several ways in which his Cabinet and Parliamentary benches demonstrate many successful journeys of migrant and minority integration in British society. That might perhaps help to ease the fears, about integration being impossible in an era of higher immigration, which the Home Secretary had articulated the previous day.

So symbolism can matter. But facial diversity is not enough. The politics of ethnic minority opportunity needs to be about more than visits to gurdwaras, diversity nights at the party conference fringes and unveiling statues of Mahatma Gandhi in Parliament Square. Jeremy Corbyn’s first speech as Labour leader did include one brief celebratory reference to Britain’s ethnic diversity – “as I travelled the country during the leadership campaign it was wonderful to see the diversity of all the people in our country” – and to Labour bringing in more black, Asian and ethnic minority members - but it did not include any substantial content on discrimination. Tim Farron acknowledged during his leadership campaign that the Liberal Democrats have struggled to get to the starting-line on race and diversity at all. The opposition parties too will no doubt now be challenged to match not just the Prime Minister’s rhetorical commitment to challenging inequalities but also to propose how it could be done in practice.

Non-white Britons expect substance, not just symbolism from all of the parties on race inequalites.  Survation’s large survey of ethnic minority voters for British Future showed the Conservatives winning more ethnic minority support than ever before – but just 29 per cent of non-white respondents were confident that the Conservatives are committed to treating people of every ethnic background equally, while 54 per cent said this of Labour. Respondents were twice as likely to say that the Conservatives needto do more to reach out – and the Prime Minister would seem to be committed to showing that he has got that message.  Moreover, there is evidence that ethnic inclusion could be important in broadening a party’s appeal to other younger, urban and more liberal white voters too – which is why it made sense for this issue to form part of a broader attempt by David Cameron to colonise the broad centre of British politics in his Manchester speech.

But the case for caution is that there has been limited policy attention to ethnic inequalities under the last two governments. Restaurateur Iqbal Wahhab decided to give up his role chairing an ethnic minority taskforce for successive governments, unconvinced there was a political commitment to do much more than convene a talking shop. Lib Dem equalities minister Lynne Featherstone did push the CV discrimination issue – but many Conservatives were sceptical. Cameron’s new commitment may face similar challenges from those whose instinct is to worry that more attention to discrimination or bias in the jobs market will mean more red tape for business.

Labour had a separate race inequalities manifesto in 2015, outside of its main election manifesto, while the Conservative manifesto did not contain significant commitments to racial inequality. The mid-campaign launch in Croydon of a series of race equality pledges showed an increasing awareness of the growing importance of ethnic minority votes - though the fact that they all involved aiming for increases of 20 per cent by 2020 gave them a slightly back-of-the-envelope feel. 

Prime Ministerial commitments have an important agenda-setting function. A generation ago the Stephen Lawrence case opened the eyes of middle England to racist violence and police failures, particularly through the Daily Mail’s persistent challenging of those injustices. A Conservative Prime Minister’s words could similarly make a big difference in the mainstreaming of the issue of inequalities of opportunity. What action should follow words? Between now and next year’s party conference season, that must will now be the test for this Conservative government – and for their political opponents too. 

Sunder Katwala is director of British Future and former general secretary of the Fabian Society.