Vintage cereal boxes: breakfast cereals have been especially implicated in childhood obesity. Photo: Getty
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How the lessons of the long war on tobacco can help us shape up on our new front line: obesity

The NHS is gradually waking up to the need to provide structured support to people keen to lose weight, just like smoking cessation services.

Last month, Dame Sally Davies, the Chief Medical Officer for England, published her annual report on the nation’s health. I was struck by her assertion that two-thirds of adults are now either overweight (body mass index over 25) or obese (BMI over 30). The statistic reminded me that in the 1960s, the peak of the UK smoking epidemic, 70 per cent of men and 40 per cent of women were smokers.

At such levels of prevalence, cultural perceptions alter. It appears normal for people to smoke, a conclusion subliminally supported by the ready availability of tobacco; by the provision of ashtrays in planes, trains and cars; by adverts in every form of media. We are witnessing a similar “normalisation” of obesity, with shop mannequins getting larger, “inflation” in clothing sizes and furniture design being altered to accommodate the new norms.

The historic smoking prevalence data came to mind because in February, figures from 2013 were published showing that the proportion of smokers in the English population had fallen below 20 per cent for the first time. The campaign waged against tobacco over the past 50 years tells us everything we need to know about effecting a similar reduction in rates of obesity.

The prerequisite is information. The tide started to turn against smoking following the publication, in 1962, of the first study to demonstrate persuasively the unequivocal link with lung cancer. The drip-drip of new health information gathered pace and by the 1970s the inexorable rise in smoking prevalence had begun to reverse. The strong links between obesity and conditions such as heart disease, stroke, diabetes and three of the four most common cancers (bowel, breast and prostate) are well established but have yet to lodge in the public consciousness. Most people are aware that being overweight is somehow not good for you but have only a vague idea as to the extent of the problem. I have several obese patients who have been shocked to learn that their weight poses comparable risks of disability and premature death to being inveterate smokers.

Information alone is insufficient. Losing weight is, for most, at least as challenging as quitting nicotine. Research is making clear that large “hits” of sugar, be it “off the spoon” or “hidden” in processed food, have addictive potential. The same may be true of fried foods. The NHS is gradually waking up to the need to provide structured support to people keen to lose weight, just as it devotes considerable resources to smoking cessation services.

The experience of tackling smoking suggests that wider measures will also be needed. Stiff taxation has made tobacco much less affordable. Advertising and shop display prohibition and stark health warnings on packaging have contributed to the message that tobacco use is no longer normal behaviour. Bans on smoking in public places – and soon in cars with children – also serve to marginalise the habit further.

The situation is more complex for obesity. Eating and drinking are normal activities and there is no single culprit product on which the government can train its sights. Having said that, there is good evidence that ministers could get to work on. Sugar in soft drinks (and added almost routinely to processed foods) makes a major contribution to overall calorie intake. There should be an immediate ban on any product being marketed as “low” or “no fat” – or, indeed, trumpeting its freedom from “artificial flavourings and additives” – when it is stuffed full of sugar instead. Breakfast cereals, particularly those aimed at children, are by and large a national scandal.

Several European countries have already introduced a “sugar tax” and the UK should follow suit, though the industry will resist it with vigorous lobbying.

Junk food is also under the spotlight. A neat piece of research published recently in the British Medical Journal established clear links between obesity rates and the density of fast-food outlets around people’s homes and workplaces and along their commuting routes. Will there come a time when diners consuming reasonably priced, healthy whole foods sit comfortably inside warm restaurants, while shame-faced burger munchers huddle beneath a shelter in the windswept car park?

In our efforts to tackle the obesity epidemic, we must take care not to stigmatise the overweight. A small proportion of obesity is genetically determined. For the rest, outward appearances are rarely indicative of simplistic so-called failings such as gluttony. Excess weight is driven by ubiquitous low-cost, energy-dense food, by time- and exercise-poor lifestyles and by a failure of education and information to keep pace with the rapid changes that food technology has brought about over the past three decades. Obesity can also be a manifestation of the same emotional wounds that drive more conventional addictions.

We need compassion for ourselves and for each other. But as the smoking epidemic smoulders towards its conclusion, we need to face the public health crisis that has grown in its wake – and we need to shape up fast.

This article first appeared in the 09 April 2014 issue of the New Statesman, Anxiety nation

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Rising crime and fewer police show the most damaging impacts of austerity

We need to protect those who protect us.

Today’s revelation that police-recorded crime has risen by 10 per cent across England and Wales shows one of the most damaging impacts of austerity. Behind the cold figures are countless stories of personal misery; 723 homicides, 466,018 crimes with violence resulting in injury, and 205,869 domestic burglaries to take just a few examples.

It is crucial that politicians of all parties seek to address this rising level of violence and offer solutions to halt the increase in violent crime. I challenge any Tory to defend the idea that their constituents are best served by a continued squeeze on police budgets, when the number of officers is already at the lowest level for more than 30 years.

This week saw the launch Chris Bryant's Protect The Protectors Private Member’s Bill, which aims to secure greater protections for emergency service workers. It carries on where my attempts in the last parliament left off, and could not come at a more important time. Cuts to the number of police officers on our streets have not only left our communities less safe, but officers themselves are now more vulnerable as well.

As an MP I work closely with the local neighbourhood policing teams in my constituency of Halifax. There is some outstanding work going on to address the underlying causes of crime, to tackle antisocial behaviour, and to build trust and engagement across communities. I am always amazed that neighbourhood police officers seem to know the name of every kid in their patch. However cuts to West Yorkshire Police, which have totalled more than £160m since 2010, have meant that the number of neighbourhood officers in my district has been cut by half in the last year, as the budget squeeze continues and more resources are drawn into counter-terrorism and other specialisms .

Overall, West Yorkshire Police have seen a loss of around 1,200 officers. West Yorkshire Police Federation chairman Nick Smart is clear about the result: "To say it’s had no effect on frontline policing is just a nonsense.” Yet for years the Conservatives have argued just this, with the Prime Minister recently telling MPs that crime was at a record low, and ministers frequently arguing that the changing nature of crime means that the number of officers is a poor measure of police effectiveness. These figures today completely debunk that myth.

Constituents are also increasingly coming to me with concerns that crimes are not investigated once they are reported. Where the police simply do not have the resources to follow-up and attend or investigate crimes, communities lose faith and the criminals grow in confidence.

A frequently overlooked part of this discussion is that the demands on police have increased hugely, often in some unexpected ways. A clear example of this is that cuts in our mental health services have resulted in police officers having to deal with mental health issues in the custody suite. While on shift with the police last year, I saw how an average night included a series of people detained under the Mental Health Act. Due to a lack of specialist beds, vulnerable patients were held in a police cell, or even in the back of a police car, for their own safety. We should all be concerned that the police are becoming a catch-all for the state’s failures.

While the politically charged campaign to restore police numbers is ongoing, Protect The Protectors is seeking to build cross-party support for measures that would offer greater protections to officers immediately. In February, the Police Federation of England and Wales released the results of its latest welfare survey data which suggest that there were more than two million unarmed physical assaults on officers over a 12-month period, and a further 302,842 assaults using a deadly weapon.

This is partly due to an increase in single crewing, which sees officers sent out on their own into often hostile circumstances. Morale in the police has suffered hugely in recent years and almost every front-line officer will be able to recall a time when they were recently assaulted.

If we want to tackle this undeniable rise in violent crime, then a large part of the solution is protecting those who protect us; strengthening the law to keep them from harm where possible, restoring morale by removing the pay cap, and most importantly, increasing their numbers.

Holly Lynch is the MP for Halifax. The Protect the Protectors bill will get its second reading on the Friday 20th October. 

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