Speed dating by colour

Aditi Charanji goes to a singles night for British Asians and finds how people divide themselves by

It was a belated Valentine's Day party for young British South Asians and it promised to bring a community together for a night of fun.

Expectations were high as we waited to get in – queueing up has never been this enjoyable and it came through in the self-deprecating banter.

“I'm amazed there isn't a terrorist alert in the area,” quipped one humorist; “It's past eight, why aren't the doors open? Oh, wait, it's an Asian event," joked another.

A white journalist walked to the door and there were hoots: “Are you tonight's entertainment?” a call went out from a young man amused that, for a change, Asians were the ethnic majority.

Waiting, one got a sense of a united community, comfortable enough to laugh at they way they're stereotyped.

But on entering the party, it was a different story. At the door was a table with ribbons, colour-coded according to religion – orange for Sikhs, red for Hindus and green for Muslims. And at the back of the venue was a corner for speed-dating, also divided into three sections on the basis of religion.

Squinting in the darkened room, people walked around looking for ribbons matching their own. Once found, conversation ensued. As a result, throughout the evening reds spoke to reds, oranges to oranges and greens to greens.

One woman who wasn't wearing a ribbon was repeatedly asked about her religious affiliation. If her answer wasn't the 'right' one, men moved away. After this happened five or six times, she turned to me and asked crossly, “Have you ever heard such a chat up line?”

“It's appalling,” said a young Hindu woman who did not wish to be named. “We are all here for an evening of fun and these coloured tags are so blatantly divisive – I've only spoken to Hindu people tonight”. Jag Singh, a Sikh man, agreed with her and added: “You'd think there'd at least be a little subtlety about it, but these tags are completely over the top."

The fact that there is no homogenous South Asian community in Britain is not news. Indeed, a substantial amount of research has gone into how British Asians are internally divided, forming their own micro-communities on the basis of country (Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi), language (Gujarati, Punjabi, Hindi, Bengali etc), and religion (Hindu, Sikh, Muslim).

But if this party was any indicator, it seems as if religion has come to be the dominant basis for these divisions. As one of the organisers said: "We've got the tags colour-coded because a lot of people have complained to us about how they don't want to speak to people of other religions, and we find that [these tags] are the best way to make things clear."

The South Asia Solidarity Group (SASG) is a campaigning organisation that works towards building a united South Asian community in Britain. The SASG's biggest challenge is the increasing religious divide within the British Asian community.

Dr Kalpana Wilson, a member of SASG, says that this has to be understood in political terms, rather than in religious or cultural terms. She says that there are South Asian and British political groups that claim to represent communities, but in effect actively promote these divisions.

"New Labour has clearly encouraged people to identify increasingly with so-called 'faith communities', through funding etc. This is a continuation of the British state's long-term policies of creating divisions wherever possible ... there's speed-dating in Bombay, too, but it's not colour-coded,” she adds.

Religious divides have become so internalised that a sizeable number of people at the party thought that colour-coded tags were a great idea. “It's all very well having friends from other religions,” said Sonia, a Sikh woman from Leicester. “But when it comes to relationships or marriage, it's got to be with someone from the same background. And let's face it – this is a singles party with only one outcome in mind”. Another woman, Shazia Malik, said: “We're all Asians, but we're all different. So while we can be at a party together, we should be able to choose who to speak to”. Did she enjoy the night? “Yes, but there were not enough Muslim men – so I didn't see any prospects”.

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The New Times: Brexit, globalisation, the crisis in Labour and the future of the left

With essays by David Miliband, Paul Mason, John Harris, Lisa Nandy, Vince Cable and more.

Once again the “new times” are associated with the ascendancy of the right. The financial crash of 2007-2008 – and the Great Recession and sovereign debt crises that were a consequence of it – were meant to have marked the end of an era of runaway “turbocapitalism”. It never came close to happening. The crash was a crisis of capitalism but not the crisis of capitalism. As Lenin observed, there is “no such thing as an absolutely hopeless situation” for capitalism, and so we discovered again. Instead, the greatest burden of the period of fiscal retrenchment that followed the crash was carried by the poorest in society, those most directly affected by austerity, and this in turn has contributed to a deepening distrust of elites and a wider crisis of governance.

Where are we now and in which direction are we heading?

Some of the contributors to this special issue believe that we have reached the end of the “neoliberal” era. I am more sceptical. In any event, the end of neoliberalism, however you define it, will not lead to a social-democratic revival: it looks as if, in many Western countries, we are entering an age in which centre-left parties cannot form ruling majorities, having leaked support to nationalists, populists and more radical alternatives.

Certainly the British Labour Party, riven by a war between its parliamentary representatives and much of its membership, is in a critical condition. At the same time, Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has inspired a remarkable re-engagement with left-wing politics, even as his party slumps in the polls. His own views may seem frozen in time, but hundreds of thousands of people, many of them young graduates, have responded to his anti-austerity rhetoric, his candour and his shambolic, unspun style.

The EU referendum, in which as much as one-third of Labour supporters voted for Brexit, exposed another chasm in Labour – this time between educated metropolitan liberals and the more socially conservative white working class on whose loyalty the party has long depended. This no longer looks like a viable election-winning coalition, especially after the collapse of Labour in Scotland and the concomitant rise of nationalism in England.

In Marxism Today’s “New Times” issue of October 1988, Stuart Hall wrote: “The left seems not just displaced by Thatcherism, but disabled, flattened, becalmed by the very prospect of change; afraid of rooting itself in ‘the new’ and unable to make the leap of imagination required to engage the future.” Something similar could be said of the left today as it confronts Brexit, the disunities within the United Kingdom, and, in Theresa May, a prime minister who has indicated that she might be prepared to break with the orthodoxies of the past three decades.

The Labour leadership contest between Corbyn and Owen Smith was largely an exercise in nostalgia, both candidates seeking to revive policies that defined an era of mass production and working-class solidarity when Labour was strong. On matters such as immigration, digital disruption, the new gig economy or the power of networks, they had little to say. They proposed a politics of opposition – against austerity, against grammar schools. But what were they for? Neither man seemed capable of embracing the “leading edge of change” or of making the imaginative leap necessary to engage the future.

So is there a politics of the left that will allow us to ride with the currents of these turbulent “new times” and thus shape rather than be flattened by them? Over the next 34 pages 18 writers, offering many perspectives, attempt to answer this and related questions as they analyse the forces shaping a world in which power is shifting to the East, wars rage unchecked in the Middle East, refugees drown en masse in the Mediterranean, technology is outstripping our capacity to understand it, and globalisation begins to fragment.

— Jason Cowley, Editor 

Tom Kibasi on what the left fails to see

Philip Collins on why it's time for Labour to end its crisis

John Harris on why Labour is losing its heartland

Lisa Nandy on how Labour has been halted and hollowed out

David Runciman on networks and the digital revolution

John Gray on why the right, not the left, has grasped the new times

Mariana Mazzucato on why it's time for progressives to rethink capitalism

Robert Ford on why the left must reckon with the anger of those left behind

Ros Wynne-Jones on the people who need a Labour government most

Gary Gerstle on Corbyn, Sanders and the populist surge

Nick Pearce on why the left is haunted by the ghosts of the 1930s

Paul Mason on why the left must be ready to cause a commotion

Neal Lawson on what the new, 21st-century left needs now

Charles Leadbeater explains why we are all existentialists now

John Bew mourns the lost left

Marc Stears on why democracy is a long, hard, slow business

Vince Cable on how a financial crisis empowered the right

David Miliband on why the left needs to move forward, not back

This article first appeared in the 22 September 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The New Times