The NS Interview: Nassim Nicholas Taleb

“Cameron is extraordinary. He’s the only thing we have left”

Many people believed that the banking crisis was unforeseeable, but you disagreed.
Well, I wrote in my book The Black Swan that the banking system was sitting on dynamite. I made bets on it because nobody was listening.

Your investments and books have made millions. Do people ask you for financial advice?
Yeah, but I don't answer. That's not my profession. I am a thinker. I like to use investment as a discipline.

In what way?
My motto is: "Never forecast anything unless you have your neck on the line."

Is there one person you think is most to blame for the financial situation we find ourselves in?
There's a collective, but I blame Ben Bernanke the most. He studied the Great Depression, so he should know better. Alan Greenspan is unskilled; you don't take the unskilled seriously.

A new version of The Black Swan has just come out. What's the theory behind it?
There are things we don't understand - low-probability, high-impact events - and they hurt us. In the first version, I identified those things. Now, I've written about what to do next.

Why is your opinion of economists so low?
Being an economist is the least ethical profession, closer to charlatanism than any science.

Why did economists get the crisis so wrong?
That's like asking why fortune-tellers don't get things right. Their tools don't work, but they continue to use them. And the Nobel committee gives prizes to people who aren't scientists.

You have a great phrase in The Black Swan: "Don't drive a school bus blindfolded." Is that still happening?
Worse. I was talking about Bernanke - they've given him a bigger bus.

Here in the UK, the government is giving even more power to our central bank.
Your new government is at least conscious. You don't have the Office of Management and Budget, which never forecasts anything right.

We'll soon have an office of budget control.
But here they understand. David Cameron understands expert problems. He is extraordinary.

You have described him as "the best thing we have left on this planet".
Exactly. I went to Washington, and the discourse had nothing to do with the real problem. And I thought, "He's the only thing we have left."

What would you advise Cameron to do?
Build robustness in the economy. You have to take some pain to remove the tumour.

You've written a lot about chance and probability. Do you believe in God?
I'm in favour of religion as a tamer of arrogance. For a Greek Orthodox, the idea of God as creator outside the human is not God in God's terms. My God isn't the God of George Bush.

What's your view of the "new atheists", people such as Richard Dawkins or Sam Harris?
They're charlatans. But see the contradiction: people are sceptical about God, yet gullible when it comes to the stock market.

Your family is Lebanese, and lost its wealth in the civil war. Has that shaped your views?
The key to wealth is that it doesn't matter. Once you've had it, you don't think anything of it; you can wear cheap watches.

You say in your book that four former Lehman employees sent you death threats.
I'm a threat to people on Wall Street. Typically, I'm better off than my detractors in finance, and higher-ranking than the economists, and I have more readers than the journalists.

What book has most influenced you recently?
The maxims of a Roman slave called Publilius Syrus. And maybe Wittgenstein's Philosophical Investigations.

Are you a happy man?
Where is the trace of the happy man?

You look happy! You're a bestselling author with as many fans as detractors.
Ah, detractors. Actually, you trust them more than fans. Fans send you two emails before breakfast, and if you don't reply they turn into detractors. Detractors are more predictable.

What would you like to forget?
My detractors look for incoherence in what I've written. They haven't found it, but if they do . . .

Is there a plan?
To make society more robust, or stop it from getting more fragile. I wish I didn't have to, so I could do something more pleasant for myself.

Are we all doomed?
Economically? Not if we do the right thing and bite the bullet.

Mehdi Hasan is a contributing writer for the New Statesman and the co-author of Ed: The Milibands and the Making of a Labour Leader. He was the New Statesman's senior editor (politics) from 2009-12.

This article first appeared in the 21 June 2010 issue of the New Statesman, The age of ideas

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The New Times: Brexit, globalisation, the crisis in Labour and the future of the left

With essays by David Miliband, Paul Mason, John Harris, Lisa Nandy, Vince Cable and more.

Once again the “new times” are associated with the ascendancy of the right. The financial crash of 2007-2008 – and the Great Recession and sovereign debt crises that were a consequence of it – were meant to have marked the end of an era of runaway “turbocapitalism”. It never came close to happening. The crash was a crisis of capitalism but not the crisis of capitalism. As Lenin observed, there is “no such thing as an absolutely hopeless situation” for capitalism, and so we discovered again. Instead, the greatest burden of the period of fiscal retrenchment that followed the crash was carried by the poorest in society, those most directly affected by austerity, and this in turn has contributed to a deepening distrust of elites and a wider crisis of governance.

Where are we now and in which direction are we heading?

Some of the contributors to this special issue believe that we have reached the end of the “neoliberal” era. I am more sceptical. In any event, the end of neoliberalism, however you define it, will not lead to a social-democratic revival: it looks as if, in many Western countries, we are entering an age in which centre-left parties cannot form ruling majorities, having leaked support to nationalists, populists and more radical alternatives.

Certainly the British Labour Party, riven by a war between its parliamentary representatives and much of its membership, is in a critical condition. At the same time, Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has inspired a remarkable re-engagement with left-wing politics, even as his party slumps in the polls. His own views may seem frozen in time, but hundreds of thousands of people, many of them young graduates, have responded to his anti-austerity rhetoric, his candour and his shambolic, unspun style.

The EU referendum, in which as much as one-third of Labour supporters voted for Brexit, exposed another chasm in Labour – this time between educated metropolitan liberals and the more socially conservative white working class on whose loyalty the party has long depended. This no longer looks like a viable election-winning coalition, especially after the collapse of Labour in Scotland and the concomitant rise of nationalism in England.

In Marxism Today’s “New Times” issue of October 1988, Stuart Hall wrote: “The left seems not just displaced by Thatcherism, but disabled, flattened, becalmed by the very prospect of change; afraid of rooting itself in ‘the new’ and unable to make the leap of imagination required to engage the future.” Something similar could be said of the left today as it confronts Brexit, the disunities within the United Kingdom, and, in Theresa May, a prime minister who has indicated that she might be prepared to break with the orthodoxies of the past three decades.

The Labour leadership contest between Corbyn and Owen Smith was largely an exercise in nostalgia, both candidates seeking to revive policies that defined an era of mass production and working-class solidarity when Labour was strong. On matters such as immigration, digital disruption, the new gig economy or the power of networks, they had little to say. They proposed a politics of opposition – against austerity, against grammar schools. But what were they for? Neither man seemed capable of embracing the “leading edge of change” or of making the imaginative leap necessary to engage the future.

So is there a politics of the left that will allow us to ride with the currents of these turbulent “new times” and thus shape rather than be flattened by them? Over the next 34 pages 18 writers, offering many perspectives, attempt to answer this and related questions as they analyse the forces shaping a world in which power is shifting to the East, wars rage unchecked in the Middle East, refugees drown en masse in the Mediterranean, technology is outstripping our capacity to understand it, and globalisation begins to fragment.

— Jason Cowley, Editor 

Tom Kibasi on what the left fails to see

Philip Collins on why it's time for Labour to end its crisis

John Harris on why Labour is losing its heartland

Lisa Nandy on how Labour has been halted and hollowed out

David Runciman on networks and the digital revolution

John Gray on why the right, not the left, has grasped the new times

Mariana Mazzucato on why it's time for progressives to rethink capitalism

Robert Ford on why the left must reckon with the anger of those left behind

Ros Wynne-Jones on the people who need a Labour government most

Gary Gerstle on Corbyn, Sanders and the populist surge

Nick Pearce on why the left is haunted by the ghosts of the 1930s

Paul Mason on why the left must be ready to cause a commotion

Neal Lawson on what the new, 21st-century left needs now

Charles Leadbeater explains why we are all existentialists now

John Bew mourns the lost left

Marc Stears on why democracy is a long, hard, slow business

Vince Cable on how a financial crisis empowered the right

David Miliband on why the left needs to move forward, not back

This article first appeared in the 22 September 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The New Times