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The NS Interview: Linda-Gail Bekker

“So many of our people live daily with the effects of HIV”

Your work focuses on HIV and tuberculosis. What does that involve? What's the plan?
Here in Southern Africa, children are getting TB in huge numbers. They don't get the disease immediately, but they become infected. When you superimpose the HIV epidemic on top of that, you speed up the progress of the illness - so the TB infection becomes TB disease in young adulthood because of their immune deficiency. We have to think of TB and HIV together almost as a new disease. That requires us to go back to fundamentals, but also to think outside the box. What will be the new interventions? What else could we be doing?

What drew you to work in the field?
I was born in Zimbabwe, and came to UCT [the University of Cape Town] to do my medicine degree. It was the late 1980s and the HIV epidemic was just breaking for us. I remember a strong sense of frustration, anxiety, impotence - I didn't fully understand what was going on and wanted to know more. I went on to do my PhD in host immunology, which I am still fascinated by. But as time has gone on, I've been drawn to the hands-on side of things. I'm really a closet social worker these days.

Are you engaged in the politics of South Africa?
Well, I think we are activists at heart simply because, again, you can't work in this field and not be politically aware. We work hard to change policy, but through evidence. And that's a slow and often arduous process.

Do you personally feel political? Do you vote?
Oh, yes. I came from Zimbabwe, perhaps politically quite naive, to UCT, which was a very liberal university in those days. I had quite a political awakening as a result of that.

In what way?
I came to university in the 1980s, an incredibly volatile time in SA's history. And the 1990s was the most extraordinarily liberating period. That initial starry-eyed, honeymoon phase is a little bit over. We really need to roll up our sleeves and say: "What are the issues at hand?"

Do you think there's been a lack of political leadership in South Africa?
Yes. Civil society became the leaders: we have had to take on the government on some occasions. On other occasions we've taken on the pharmaceutical companies with the government. SA has huge challenges still - some days you kind of recognise that it's a big job, and how ever are we going to meet all the challenges? But the little triumphs along the way do count. I think we are making progress.

You've just won the Royal Society Pfizer Award for your research into HIV and tuberculosis. What does the prize mean to you?
I'm overwhelmed. I think one of the aspects of working in this part of the world is that you get on with the job, you get lost in the day-to-day work. So when somebody stops and acknowledges you, it's a very pleasant surprise.

It's said you marry science and humanity.
HIV and TB are just so much a part of our lives. A good part of our workforce lives openly with HIV. I have had TB and had to take treatment.
It really is very tangible for us: you're dealing with it not only at work, but in everyday life.

How do you balance your work with the rest of your life?
I married someone in exactly the same field. He's the director of the HIV centre at UCT and I'm deputy director, and we run the foundation together, so a lot of our work comes home. But we have a great work team who can be relied upon. We have two grown-up children and a seven-year-old, Oliver, who started life with an embryonic carcinoma, so the first three years of his life we camped at the Red Cross children's hospital because he needed chemotherapy. Once you've got beyond that, you pretty much feel you could cope with most things!

Is there anything you regret?
I've loved being a mother. I could have quite enjoyed another child. But no, I don't think I have any regrets at all. The only thing is that I would have done more of everything.

Would you ever like to live anywhere else?
I'm inherently an African: I'm fourth-generation. It's hard for me to think of living anywhere other than Africa. Certainly, the work I do seems most relevant here. I lived for some time in New York and I loved it. But what makes me want to stay here for the moment is just the relevance. I'm a hands-on person. I like to engage with the community, with the staff. I think that's where my talent is.

Are we all doomed?
I don't think so, but I can see why you would ask. When you look at TB-HIV figures you wonder what the next terrible virus or pathogen is that's waiting around the corner. But the thing that strikes me daily is the resilience of humanity. Human beings find a way.

Linda-Gail Bekker is deputy director of the Desmond Tutu HIV Centre at the University of Cape Town and chief operating officer of the Desmond Tutu HIV Foundation.

Read a longer version of the interview.

Sophie Elmhirst is features editor of the New Statesman

This article first appeared in the 09 November 2009 issue of the New Statesman, Castro

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The New Times: Brexit, globalisation, the crisis in Labour and the future of the left

With essays by David Miliband, Paul Mason, John Harris, Lisa Nandy, Vince Cable and more.

Once again the “new times” are associated with the ascendancy of the right. The financial crash of 2007-2008 – and the Great Recession and sovereign debt crises that were a consequence of it – were meant to have marked the end of an era of runaway “turbocapitalism”. It never came close to happening. The crash was a crisis of capitalism but not the crisis of capitalism. As Lenin observed, there is “no such thing as an absolutely hopeless situation” for capitalism, and so we discovered again. Instead, the greatest burden of the period of fiscal retrenchment that followed the crash was carried by the poorest in society, those most directly affected by austerity, and this in turn has contributed to a deepening distrust of elites and a wider crisis of governance.

Where are we now and in which direction are we heading?

Some of the contributors to this special issue believe that we have reached the end of the “neoliberal” era. I am more sceptical. In any event, the end of neoliberalism, however you define it, will not lead to a social-democratic revival: it looks as if, in many Western countries, we are entering an age in which centre-left parties cannot form ruling majorities, having leaked support to nationalists, populists and more radical alternatives.

Certainly the British Labour Party, riven by a war between its parliamentary representatives and much of its membership, is in a critical condition. At the same time, Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has inspired a remarkable re-engagement with left-wing politics, even as his party slumps in the polls. His own views may seem frozen in time, but hundreds of thousands of people, many of them young graduates, have responded to his anti-austerity rhetoric, his candour and his shambolic, unspun style.

The EU referendum, in which as much as one-third of Labour supporters voted for Brexit, exposed another chasm in Labour – this time between educated metropolitan liberals and the more socially conservative white working class on whose loyalty the party has long depended. This no longer looks like a viable election-winning coalition, especially after the collapse of Labour in Scotland and the concomitant rise of nationalism in England.

In Marxism Today’s “New Times” issue of October 1988, Stuart Hall wrote: “The left seems not just displaced by Thatcherism, but disabled, flattened, becalmed by the very prospect of change; afraid of rooting itself in ‘the new’ and unable to make the leap of imagination required to engage the future.” Something similar could be said of the left today as it confronts Brexit, the disunities within the United Kingdom, and, in Theresa May, a prime minister who has indicated that she might be prepared to break with the orthodoxies of the past three decades.

The Labour leadership contest between Corbyn and Owen Smith was largely an exercise in nostalgia, both candidates seeking to revive policies that defined an era of mass production and working-class solidarity when Labour was strong. On matters such as immigration, digital disruption, the new gig economy or the power of networks, they had little to say. They proposed a politics of opposition – against austerity, against grammar schools. But what were they for? Neither man seemed capable of embracing the “leading edge of change” or of making the imaginative leap necessary to engage the future.

So is there a politics of the left that will allow us to ride with the currents of these turbulent “new times” and thus shape rather than be flattened by them? Over the next 34 pages 18 writers, offering many perspectives, attempt to answer this and related questions as they analyse the forces shaping a world in which power is shifting to the East, wars rage unchecked in the Middle East, refugees drown en masse in the Mediterranean, technology is outstripping our capacity to understand it, and globalisation begins to fragment.

— Jason Cowley, Editor 

Tom Kibasi on what the left fails to see

Philip Collins on why it's time for Labour to end its crisis

John Harris on why Labour is losing its heartland

Lisa Nandy on how Labour has been halted and hollowed out

David Runciman on networks and the digital revolution

John Gray on why the right, not the left, has grasped the new times

Mariana Mazzucato on why it's time for progressives to rethink capitalism

Robert Ford on why the left must reckon with the anger of those left behind

Ros Wynne-Jones on the people who need a Labour government most

Gary Gerstle on Corbyn, Sanders and the populist surge

Nick Pearce on why the left is haunted by the ghosts of the 1930s

Paul Mason on why the left must be ready to cause a commotion

Neal Lawson on what the new, 21st-century left needs now

Charles Leadbeater explains why we are all existentialists now

John Bew mourns the lost left

Marc Stears on why democracy is a long, hard, slow business

Vince Cable on how a financial crisis empowered the right

David Miliband on why the left needs to move forward, not back

This article first appeared in the 22 September 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The New Times