'We don't do rabies'

When Alyssa McDonald was bitten by a stray dog in Romania, she was given excellent anti-rabies treat

"You want a babies injection?" asked the receptionist at my local GP surgery. "No," I explained as calmly as I could. "Not a babies injection, a rabies injection." "Oh ... I don't know about that," she said. "I'll have to check. Call back at six."

Two days earlier, at the end of a weekend trip to Bucharest, I had been walking through the city when one of the many stray dogs bit me - not badly, but hard enough to draw blood. I didn't really want the hassle of a trip to hospital, and I'd heard some horror stories about the Romanian ones. But then again, hospital was preferable to rabies. Virtually unheard of in the UK now, it still kills 55,000 people each year globally.

It is a particularly horrible way to die: within a week, sufferers become anxious and disorientated, developing an overwhelming thirst paired with an inability to swallow. Delusions, hallucinations and deranged behaviour (including thrashing, spitting and biting) follow; it usually takes another week or so before heart and lung failure lead to total paralysis, coma, and finally death. And once symptoms start to develop, rabies is nearly always fatal. So I was ready to put up with substandard treatment - I just wasn't prepared for quite how bad it turned out to be. And I didn't expect to find the NHS doling it out.

Dogs are a major nuisance in Bucharest. The rehousing programme during Nicolae Ceausescu's dictatorship forced many families to abandon their dogs, and now the city is home to about 200,000 strays. On average, strays bite 50 people a day; some of them carry tetanus and/or rabies. The city council has announced a couple of culls in recent years, but these programmes have never been extensive enough to tackle the problem. Fortunately, because the risk of being bitten is high, the city's hospitals are well set up to deal with the victims. The nurse I limped up to in Spitalil Colentina's anti-rabies unit spoke a little English, and within half an hour I'd been bandaged up, given shots for tetanus and rabies, and was out of the door with a prescription for antibiotics and directions on what to do when I got home. The days when rabies was treated with painful injections in the stomach are long gone; now you just need a series of five shots in your arm over the space of a few weeks. Easy.

The nurse gave me a leaflet containing information about the vaccine for my doctor in the UK. The entire service was free of charge.

As soon as I returned to London, I phoned NHS Direct to find out where to get my first follow-up shot. I was given the names of two NHS walk-in centres and a private Medicare centre before I was told that I could also see my GP.

"We don't do rabies," the receptionist at the first walk-in centre told me. "Tetanus we do, but not rabies." I called the second one. Then I tried again an hour later, and again an hour after that. Eventually I accepted that they weren't going to pick up, but I wasn't quite ready to accept the idea of paying for a treatment that I could get for free on the far side of the continent. So I skipped the Medicare option and phoned my doctor. Maybe I should have taken them up on that offer of a babies injection: I might actually have got somewhere if I had. When I called back at 6pm, the phone was engaged, and it stayed that way until the surgery closed at 6.30pm.

Life-threatening

Stuck for what else to do, I called the hospital closest to my office, St Thomas's in central London. Could they help me? The A&E receptionist was not keen. "Why didn't you call NHS Direct?" "I did," I explained, "and none of the options they suggested could help me. So now I am calling you, because I may have been exposed to rabies, and rabies is a life-threatening disease." "Where do you live?" I told her. "We're not your nearest hospital then, are we? You should have called the Royal London . . ." She was gracious enough to put me through to a doctor anyway.

"Yeah, we can do a rabies injection," the doctor told me. "But we shouldn't have to, really - you should be going to your doctor, because it's a community issue." I didn't ask why Romanian stray dogs are a community issue for Hackney Council.

So far, so incompetent. But the dismal service I'd received had nothing on what came next.

At A&E the next morning, I told the doctor what had happened, and about the five jabs the nurse in Bucharest had said I'd need. I didn't mention the antibiotics I'd been given for the wound itself; neither did he. Half an hour later, a student nurse appeared with a small syringe and the information leaflet from the vaccine, which she handed to me. She gave me the shot and smiled, "That's it! You're fine now." Really? What about the further three injections I'd been told I should have? "Oh, foreign hospitals are usually a bit overcautious with British patients. They're scared we'll sue." She assured me that I didn't need any further treatment, and that I was free to go. So I did. And I had got as far as the door when the doctor rang my mobile. He hadn't told the nurse to let me go, but since I already had, he just wanted to remind me that I'd need to see my GP for the remaining three shots.

I was confused - the nurse had said I didn't need any more treatment. "Did she? Oh, uh, then that's right." "Are you sure?" "Yes." I wasn't. But as I had the vaccine information leaflet, I could check: and like the Romanian one, it said I needed three more doses. (Not surprising, really, as that's the WHO's recognised regimen for rabies.) Why had the doctor needed me to tell him the dosage? When I went back to A&E and spoke to him, I discovered what had caused the confusion: he hadn't even read the information leaflet. And quite clearly, neither had the student nurse.

Rabies is hardly the UK's most pressing health issue, but the Health Protection Agency still treats about a thousand travellers each year who have been exposed to the disease abroad. Its line on treatment is unequivocal: as rabies is a fatal condition, the only available precaution - vaccination - must be used. The substandard treatment I received has serious implications for everyone who uses the National Health Service. In the end, my health was fine, but that doesn't excuse the level of service the NHS offered me. Being misheard, misinformed and passed from pillar to post is bad enough. But for two members of hospital staff to handle a less-than-everyday complaint by dishing out medication and advice without checking the facts is completely unacceptable, and potentially very dangerous. I contacted St Thomas's to ask for an explanation, but it was not prepared to comment unless I made a formal complaint.

According to research by the National Patient Safety Agency last summer, I'm not alone in receiving such poor service: almost 25,000 patients a year receive the wrong treatment in British hospitals. Whether the result is serious harm or just frustration and inefficiency, this is a pretty appalling track record. So, if you're looking for efficient, safe health care, try Romania. You might be less likely to end up foaming at the mouth.

This article first appeared in the 31 March 2008 issue of the New Statesman, Is Boris a fake?

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The New Times: Brexit, globalisation, the crisis in Labour and the future of the left

With essays by David Miliband, Paul Mason, John Harris, Lisa Nandy, Vince Cable and more.

Once again the “new times” are associated with the ascendancy of the right. The financial crash of 2007-2008 – and the Great Recession and sovereign debt crises that were a consequence of it – were meant to have marked the end of an era of runaway “turbocapitalism”. It never came close to happening. The crash was a crisis of capitalism but not the crisis of capitalism. As Lenin observed, there is “no such thing as an absolutely hopeless situation” for capitalism, and so we discovered again. Instead, the greatest burden of the period of fiscal retrenchment that followed the crash was carried by the poorest in society, those most directly affected by austerity, and this in turn has contributed to a deepening distrust of elites and a wider crisis of governance.

Where are we now and in which direction are we heading?

Some of the contributors to this special issue believe that we have reached the end of the “neoliberal” era. I am more sceptical. In any event, the end of neoliberalism, however you define it, will not lead to a social-democratic revival: it looks as if, in many Western countries, we are entering an age in which centre-left parties cannot form ruling majorities, having leaked support to nationalists, populists and more radical alternatives.

Certainly the British Labour Party, riven by a war between its parliamentary representatives and much of its membership, is in a critical condition. At the same time, Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has inspired a remarkable re-engagement with left-wing politics, even as his party slumps in the polls. His own views may seem frozen in time, but hundreds of thousands of people, many of them young graduates, have responded to his anti-austerity rhetoric, his candour and his shambolic, unspun style.

The EU referendum, in which as much as one-third of Labour supporters voted for Brexit, exposed another chasm in Labour – this time between educated metropolitan liberals and the more socially conservative white working class on whose loyalty the party has long depended. This no longer looks like a viable election-winning coalition, especially after the collapse of Labour in Scotland and the concomitant rise of nationalism in England.

In Marxism Today’s “New Times” issue of October 1988, Stuart Hall wrote: “The left seems not just displaced by Thatcherism, but disabled, flattened, becalmed by the very prospect of change; afraid of rooting itself in ‘the new’ and unable to make the leap of imagination required to engage the future.” Something similar could be said of the left today as it confronts Brexit, the disunities within the United Kingdom, and, in Theresa May, a prime minister who has indicated that she might be prepared to break with the orthodoxies of the past three decades.

The Labour leadership contest between Corbyn and Owen Smith was largely an exercise in nostalgia, both candidates seeking to revive policies that defined an era of mass production and working-class solidarity when Labour was strong. On matters such as immigration, digital disruption, the new gig economy or the power of networks, they had little to say. They proposed a politics of opposition – against austerity, against grammar schools. But what were they for? Neither man seemed capable of embracing the “leading edge of change” or of making the imaginative leap necessary to engage the future.

So is there a politics of the left that will allow us to ride with the currents of these turbulent “new times” and thus shape rather than be flattened by them? Over the next 34 pages 18 writers, offering many perspectives, attempt to answer this and related questions as they analyse the forces shaping a world in which power is shifting to the East, wars rage unchecked in the Middle East, refugees drown en masse in the Mediterranean, technology is outstripping our capacity to understand it, and globalisation begins to fragment.

— Jason Cowley, Editor 

Tom Kibasi on what the left fails to see

Philip Collins on why it's time for Labour to end its crisis

John Harris on why Labour is losing its heartland

Lisa Nandy on how Labour has been halted and hollowed out

David Runciman on networks and the digital revolution

John Gray on why the right, not the left, has grasped the new times

Mariana Mazzucato on why it's time for progressives to rethink capitalism

Robert Ford on why the left must reckon with the anger of those left behind

Ros Wynne-Jones on the people who need a Labour government most

Gary Gerstle on Corbyn, Sanders and the populist surge

Nick Pearce on why the left is haunted by the ghosts of the 1930s

Paul Mason on why the left must be ready to cause a commotion

Neal Lawson on what the new, 21st-century left needs now

Charles Leadbeater explains why we are all existentialists now

John Bew mourns the lost left

Marc Stears on why democracy is a long, hard, slow business

Vince Cable on how a financial crisis empowered the right

David Miliband on why the left needs to move forward, not back

This article first appeared in the 22 September 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The New Times