Syria: Who else hasn't signed up to the chemical weapons treaty?

Egypt, North Korea, Angola, South Sudan, Israel and Myanmar haven't ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention, and Russia and the US haven't met their obligations under the convention. So what power does the CWC have?

Syria’s foreign minister said on Tuesday night that the country intends to sign up to the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) and would halt its production of chemical arms, allow weapons inspectors in and disclose details of its chemical weapon stockpile.

The Chemical Weapons Convention was adopted by member states in 1992 and came into force in 1997. Signatories pledge not to use chemical weapons, to halt any trade or production of chemical weapons and to destroy their stockpile within ten years of signing. Syria is not the only state that has refused to sign the convention. Four other states, Angola, Egypt, North Korea and South Sudan have not signed up, and Israel and Myanmar signed the convention but never ratified it.

As South Sudan only achieved independence in 2011, perhaps it can be let off the hook – the world’s newest state, it could be argued, has had bigger problems to deal with. It’s hardly surprising that North Korea hasn’t signed, although this doesn’t make it less worrying. Egypt has said its refusal to sign the CWC is linked to Israel’s non-participation in the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. It used chemical weapons in Yemen in the 1960s. Angola has no officially confirmed stockpile of chemical weapons, although there are several reported incidents of chemical weapons having been used in the country. 

Similarly, Israel’s delay in ratifying the CWC has raised questions about its possession of chemical weapons – with this recent Foreign Policy investigation suggesting, on the basis of CIA files, that it has built up a significant stockpile. Questions still loom about Myanmar’s chemical weapon stockpile too, and its alleged use of chemical weapons during the country’s civil war.

Even more revealing is the list of those who have signed up but who will not meet the Convention’s deadlines for destroying their chemical weapons stockpile. This includes the United States and Russia, a recent enthusiast for the treaty when it comes to Syria.

So how much power will the CWC actually have? Both Russia and the US must know that unless it is backed by force, the answer is none at all. Equally they will be aware that sometimes the easiest way to deal with awkward international treaties is to sign them to much fanfare and then quietly ignore them.

UN arms experts inspect the site where rockets had fallen in Damascus' eastern Ghouta suburb on August 28, 2013, during an investigation into a suspected chemical weapons strike. Photo: Getty

Sophie McBain is a freelance writer based in Cairo. She was previously an assistant editor at the New Statesman. She is on Twitter as @SEMcBain.

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Who was the boy on the beach?

Photos of a drowned Syrian child are dominating the front pages. Who was he, and how did he end up washed up on the Turkish coast?

Contains a disturbing image.

Britain’s conscience has been shaken this week by the images of a drowned toddler washed up on a beach in Turkey. The photos of the child, lying face down and lifeless on the shore, made almost every UK newspaper’s front page on Thursday morning.

So who is the child in this picture, which has succeeded where so many campaigners, charities, politicians and reporters have failed in bringing the urgency and desperation of Europe’s refugee crisis to the forefront of our minds?

Aylan Kurdi was a three-year-old Syrian-Kurd, who had been fleeing the war-torn border town of Kobani, the scene of multiple massacres by Isis, with his family. His five-year-old brother, Galip, was also found dead on the beach near the Turkish resort of Bodrum. The boys’ mother, Rehan, ended her journey there too, silent on the sand. Their father, called Abdullah, survived.

According to reports from the Turkish news agency, Doğan, their relatives broke down in tears as they identified the three bodies in the morgue of Bodrum’s state hospital yesterday.

One photo shows a Turkish police officer carrying the boy’s body:


They drowned alongside 12 others, five of them children, after two overloaded boats capsized carrying refugees from Akyarlar, on the Bodrum peninsula, to the Greek island of Kos – one of the main points of entry into Europe. The BBC reports that, of the 23 people on board these two boats, only nine are thought to have survived.

But Greece was not the Kurdi family’s final destination. They were apparently attempting to flee to Canada, as they have relatives there. According to the boys’ aunt, Teema, who lives in Vancouver, she had been trying to secure visas for them. She told the Canadian paper National Post: “I was trying to sponsor them, and I have my friends and my neighbours who helped me with the bank deposits, but we couldn’t get them out, and that is why they went in the boat. I was even paying rent for them in Turkey, but it is horrible the way they treat Syrians there.”

The Canadian MP, Fin Donnelly, confirms that he hand-delivered the Kurdis’ file to the Canadian Citizenship and Immigration Minister, Chris Alexander, earlier this year. Their visa application was rejected in June, according to Donnelly.

The family was unable to obtain exit visas from Turkey, where, according to the BBC, it is “almost impossible” for Syrian-Kurds without passports to secure documents allowing them to leave the country.

A familiar concoction of turmoil in the Middle East and lack of compassion in the West led to Aylan Kurdi's untimely death – and perhaps finally to the world taking notice.

Anoosh Chakelian is deputy web editor at the New Statesman.