Weekly Briefing

Russia: espionage

"There's more politics than intelligence in this scandal," sighed Moskovsky Komsomolets, a Russian newspaper known for its links to the Kremlin, as the FBI arrested 11 alleged Russian spies. The arrests came days after the Russian president, Dmitry Medvedev, met Barack Obama, sparking talk of a "reset" of ties.

The western media have been more excited, reporting on "deep cover" operations and data transfers. But the US has not rebuked Russia, and the suspects are not charged with espionage but money laundering and failing to register as a foreign country's representatives.

Meanwhile, Lebanon provides a reminder that spies never really went away. A man accused of spying for Israel has been arrested. He faces a life in prison with hard labour or death if found guilty of contributing to Lebanese deaths.

Thailand: by-election

Almost 500 anti-government protesters - arrested in Bangkok in May following a two-month period of civil unrest - remain in police custody, some on charges as serious as terrorism. But one has been released, so that he could register as a candidate for a by-election due on 25 July. Korkaew Pikulthong, who will stand for the Puea Thai Party, is banned from recording audio or visual campaign materials, but his candidacy brings new legitimacy to the "red-shirt" movement.

The general election that the demonstrators called for is yet to materialise, but the current prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, must call one by the end of 2011. In the meantime, the fight for this seat is expected to be fierce.

Guinea: democracy

Even if Guinea's presidential election on 27 June had been a disaster - and reports say it was anything but - it would still have been the country's most democratic in more than 50 years. Since gaining independence in 1958, Guinea had endured a series of autocrats. When elections were held, they had been corrupt.

A clash last year between soldiers and protesters calling for the country's then-leader, Moussa Camara, to step down, led to horrific violence. But the UN investigation that followed also resulted in the junta's dissolution.

Guinea's transitional leader, Sekouba Konate, banned all serving politicians from running. He reminded the candidates that they would choose the country's fate : "Peace, freedom and democracy, or chaos and instability." With more than three-quarters of voters turning out for the polls, the will to achieve the former was clear.

New Zealand: smoking

"This is a prison. It's not home. It's actually a prison," said Judith Collins, the corrections minister, of the smoking ban in New Zealand's prisons, due to start in July 2011. "It will be a total ban across all prisons. Not in the cells, not even out in the yard."

Stern words. But neither punishment nor concern for the prison population's health seems to be the primary motivating factor. Instead, fittingly, it's the law. Many Kiwi prisoners now share cells, raising the risk that non-smokers forced to share with Fag-Ash Lils might sue.
Just as well the problem isn't cigarettes themselves. Research from the US - where more than half of prisons forbid smoking - shows bans merely add a new product line to the black market.

US: Marilyn's chest

Some like it irradiated, apparently. The three X-rays of Marilyn Monroe's chest that came up for auction on 27 June were expected to sell for a few thousand dollars, but in the end two anonymous bidders saw fit to spend $45,000 between them on the images - labelled Marilyn DiMaggio, her married name - of the actress's thoracic cavity.

Suddenly, the $190,000 spent at an auction the same day on one of Michael Jackson's crystal-studded gloves seems a prudent investment. At least the buyer can get some wear out of that.

This article first appeared in the 05 July 2010 issue of the New Statesman, The cult of the generals

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The New Times: Brexit, globalisation, the crisis in Labour and the future of the left

With essays by David Miliband, Paul Mason, John Harris, Lisa Nandy, Vince Cable and more.

Once again the “new times” are associated with the ascendancy of the right. The financial crash of 2007-2008 – and the Great Recession and sovereign debt crises that were a consequence of it – were meant to have marked the end of an era of runaway “turbocapitalism”. It never came close to happening. The crash was a crisis of capitalism but not the crisis of capitalism. As Lenin observed, there is “no such thing as an absolutely hopeless situation” for capitalism, and so we discovered again. Instead, the greatest burden of the period of fiscal retrenchment that followed the crash was carried by the poorest in society, those most directly affected by austerity, and this in turn has contributed to a deepening distrust of elites and a wider crisis of governance.

Where are we now and in which direction are we heading?

Some of the contributors to this special issue believe that we have reached the end of the “neoliberal” era. I am more sceptical. In any event, the end of neoliberalism, however you define it, will not lead to a social-democratic revival: it looks as if, in many Western countries, we are entering an age in which centre-left parties cannot form ruling majorities, having leaked support to nationalists, populists and more radical alternatives.

Certainly the British Labour Party, riven by a war between its parliamentary representatives and much of its membership, is in a critical condition. At the same time, Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has inspired a remarkable re-engagement with left-wing politics, even as his party slumps in the polls. His own views may seem frozen in time, but hundreds of thousands of people, many of them young graduates, have responded to his anti-austerity rhetoric, his candour and his shambolic, unspun style.

The EU referendum, in which as much as one-third of Labour supporters voted for Brexit, exposed another chasm in Labour – this time between educated metropolitan liberals and the more socially conservative white working class on whose loyalty the party has long depended. This no longer looks like a viable election-winning coalition, especially after the collapse of Labour in Scotland and the concomitant rise of nationalism in England.

In Marxism Today’s “New Times” issue of October 1988, Stuart Hall wrote: “The left seems not just displaced by Thatcherism, but disabled, flattened, becalmed by the very prospect of change; afraid of rooting itself in ‘the new’ and unable to make the leap of imagination required to engage the future.” Something similar could be said of the left today as it confronts Brexit, the disunities within the United Kingdom, and, in Theresa May, a prime minister who has indicated that she might be prepared to break with the orthodoxies of the past three decades.

The Labour leadership contest between Corbyn and Owen Smith was largely an exercise in nostalgia, both candidates seeking to revive policies that defined an era of mass production and working-class solidarity when Labour was strong. On matters such as immigration, digital disruption, the new gig economy or the power of networks, they had little to say. They proposed a politics of opposition – against austerity, against grammar schools. But what were they for? Neither man seemed capable of embracing the “leading edge of change” or of making the imaginative leap necessary to engage the future.

So is there a politics of the left that will allow us to ride with the currents of these turbulent “new times” and thus shape rather than be flattened by them? Over the next 34 pages 18 writers, offering many perspectives, attempt to answer this and related questions as they analyse the forces shaping a world in which power is shifting to the East, wars rage unchecked in the Middle East, refugees drown en masse in the Mediterranean, technology is outstripping our capacity to understand it, and globalisation begins to fragment.

— Jason Cowley, Editor 

Tom Kibasi on what the left fails to see

Philip Collins on why it's time for Labour to end its crisis

John Harris on why Labour is losing its heartland

Lisa Nandy on how Labour has been halted and hollowed out

David Runciman on networks and the digital revolution

John Gray on why the right, not the left, has grasped the new times

Mariana Mazzucato on why it's time for progressives to rethink capitalism

Robert Ford on why the left must reckon with the anger of those left behind

Ros Wynne-Jones on the people who need a Labour government most

Gary Gerstle on Corbyn, Sanders and the populist surge

Nick Pearce on why the left is haunted by the ghosts of the 1930s

Paul Mason on why the left must be ready to cause a commotion

Neal Lawson on what the new, 21st-century left needs now

Charles Leadbeater explains why we are all existentialists now

John Bew mourns the lost left

Marc Stears on why democracy is a long, hard, slow business

Vince Cable on how a financial crisis empowered the right

David Miliband on why the left needs to move forward, not back

This article first appeared in the 22 September 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The New Times