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In partnership with ERA Foundation: 'To save the environment, first we must save the economy'

Fracking has a key role to play in securing both our energy supply and the nation’s economic well-being. Q&A with Sir Alan Rudge, president, ERA Foundation.

The impact of rising domestic energy bills on the health and well-being of the British people has been extensively documented. What has received less attention is how these same price increases are reducing the nation’s industrial competitiveness.

Rising energy costs are weakening manufacturing output. This in turn is driving both the goods trade deficit and a sharp decline in our status as a global manufacturer, which has slid from fourth largest in the world to ninth over the past 15 years. The long-term viability of energy-intensive industries is at risk.

If the UK is to reverse its fortunes, urgent attention needs to be paid to reducing the cost of energy and to securing supply, says Sir Alan Rudge, President of the ERA Foundation. The foundation has repeatedly highlighted how energy production and security policies need to be overhauled drastically, a key priority being the scrapping of green taxes that were introduced as part of the Climate Change Act 2008 (or, at least, a significant reduction of these tariffs). They have added as much as 28 per cent to industry’s fuel bills, and it is anticipated that increases will escalate over the next few years.

Equally, alternative sources of energy must be secured as coal-powered power stations are closed and the ageing nuclear stock is patched together until an overdue new generation of reactors is built. Many believe the solution lies in windfarms and solar panels. However, these are expensive to build and run (they require significant subsidies), are incapable of producing a reliable baseload source of energy and will not result in rapid decarbonisation. Shale gas, on the other hand, offers a secure and competitively priced supply of energy.

Admittedly, fracking has had a great deal of bad press, including accusations that it is responsible for public health problems, polluted water supplies and significant depletion of water resources. Yet many of these aspersions have been found to be untrue or exaggerated. For instance, contamination of groundwater by fracking fluid is possible, but is very unlikely if proper procedures are followed.

The prediction is that the location of major shale gas reserves will reshape world politics and the associated flow of wealth. No longer will Middle Eastern oil or Russian gas remain tools that have determined the direction of geopolitics over the past forty years. Experts estimate that there are trillions of cubic feet of shale gas lying beneath us – if the UK can exploit this, we can secure our energy supply, improve the sustainability of industry and manufacturing, and reduce our trade deficit.

How would you describe the energy outlook for the UK today?

When looking at our energy needs, you have to start with the economy. The UK has been running a negative balance of trade since the end of the Eighties and it’s been getting worse. There is a deficit in the trade of goods of £100bn a year, the main cause of which is the shrinking of our manufacturing industry from more than 20 per cent of GDP to its current 11 per cent since the mid-Nineties. One of the main factors impacting upon the future of manufacturing industry is the high cost of energy.

In your view, what factors are driving these cost increases?

licies based on the alarmist 2008 Climate Change Act are raising the cost of energy, both to industry and to the general population. As green taxes force the prices up, more manufacturing firms – many of which are foreign-owned and therefore don’t have any special reason to be here – are looking to move out of the UK. Our economy cannot afford this to happen. The point of green taxes is to encourage businesses to operate in a more environmentally friendly way, isn’t it? Global warming alarmism was the reason for the 2008 act and it was an overreaction.

The world has not heated as predicted. The extent to which human activity is contributing to natural climate variability remains uncertain. Meanwhile, we  are not reducing emis-sions. Let’s not forget that while we are closing coal-fired power stations, or converting them to burning more expensive imported woodchips with an increased carbon footprint, China and India are busy building new coal-fired stations that will far outweigh our total contribution to carbon dioxide emissions.

Current policies don’t make sense. There is no advantage in making us poorer. Poor nations can’t save the environment. We have a huge debt due to borrowing and the banking crash, which means we are paying more than £50bn a year in interest. If manufacturing output decreases further, our financial situation will worsen. To save the environment, first we must save the economy. We need to rebalance the economy with manufacturing at its heart.

What measures do you think are needed to reduce these energy costs?

Shale gas offers a huge opportunity. In the US, it has totally transformed their energy situation. Costs have gone down by 40 per cent and they are producing sufficient gas to meet their own needs and to become an energy exporter. This will reduce their dependency on the Middle East, which must have strategic and political significance. In addition, shale gas produces half the carbon-dioxide emissions of coal, leading to a substantial reduction in the national carbon footprint.

What of the concerns that many people have about the dangers of fracking?
If you were in a sinking boat with a large hole in it and someone offered to come along and patch it up, would you turn them down just in case they didn’t make an invisible repair? That sums up the attitude of those opposed to shale gas. They would prefer to sink, it seems.

What of the risk of earthquakes, poisoned air and water, and damage to health?

The Shale Gas Shock by Matt Ridley highlights how much of what is claimed about fracking is not true. Fracking takes place at great depths, typically more than a mile down, and provided it is carried out in a properly controlled way it is less dangerous than any other source of fossil-fuel production – drilling for oil offshore can be a tricky business, for example.

How about the visual impact above ground?

Shale gas installations are about the size of a large garage, and can be disguised to blend in with the local environment. They certainly look nothing like typical industrial sites or power plants. Nor do they require as much space as renewables; one shale gas site can produce the same amount of energy as 47 wind turbines, for example, and the supply is not dependent on the weather.

How cost-effective is it in comparison to renewable fuels such as wind or tidal power?

Wind power is between two and five times more expensive than shale gas. Aside from that, there is the big problem of variability of wind, which the National Grid cannot handle. Tidal power, while it’s probably the most predictable renewable source, would require vast areas of water to be closed off to make it effective, which is not financially or environmentally viable.

Does the UK have the skills – and importantly, the access to finance – to make shale gas a success?

Because we have become a highly indebted nation, spending more than we earn, we don’t have enough wealth to do it ourselves. We will need foreign investment initially, and imported expertise until we have developed our own skills.

If the profits from shale gas will be made by foreign companies, does this mean local communities will miss out?

Where shale gas production has occurred, it has regenerated local economies by creating jobs and using local services. Shale gas has the potential to enrich communities.

What do you think will happen if the UK doesn’t embrace shale gas?

It will be pretty grim. If you look at the recent Davos meeting, there was serious concern about industrial capacity moving from Europe to the US as a result of rising energy costs. If we don’t embrace shale gas there is a very good chance that we’ll frighten away the high-energy-using industries, which will be disastrous for the UK economy.

Are we all doomed?
We’re not doomed. Our generation will get away with it. What we’re doing is passing the debt and the problems on to our children. We need to face up to the facts and take positive action. We’re sitting on several hundred years of gas supply. This is a great opportunity. We shouldn’t be wasting time arguing and whingeing – it’s time to get up and go.

 

Sir Alan Rudge is the president of the ERA Foundation.

 

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Junior doctors’ strikes: the greatest union failure in a generation

The first wave of junior doctor contract impositions began this week. Here’s how the BMA union failed junior doctors.

In Robert Tressell’s novel, The Ragged-Trousered Philanthropists, the author ridicules the notion of work as a virtuous end per se:

“And when you are all dragging out a miserable existence, gasping for breath or dying for want of air, if one of your number suggests smashing a hole in the side of one of the gasometers, you will all fall upon him in the name of law and order.”

Tressell’s characters are subdued and eroded by the daily disgraces of working life; casualised labour, poor working conditions, debt and poverty.

Although the Junior Doctors’ dispute is a far cry from the Edwardian working-poor, the eruption of fervour from Junior Doctors during the dispute channelled similar overtones of dire working standards, systemic abuse, and a spiralling accrual of discontent at the notion of “noble” work as a reward in itself. 

While the days of union activity precipitating governmental collapse are long over, the BMA (British Medical Association) mandate for industrial action occurred in a favourable context that the trade union movement has not witnessed in decades. 

Not only did members vote overwhelmingly for industrial action with the confidence of a wider public, but as a representative of an ostensibly middle-class profession with an irreplaceable skillset, the BMA had the necessary cultural capital to make its case regularly in media print and TV – a privilege routinely denied to almost all other striking workers.

Even the Labour party, which displays parliamentary reluctance in supporting outright strike action, had key members of the leadership join protests in a spectacle inconceivable just a few years earlier under the leadership of “Red Ed”.

Despite these advantageous circumstances, the first wave of contract impositions began this week. The great failures of the BMA are entirely self-inflicted: its deference to conservative narratives, an overestimation of its own method, and woeful ignorance of the difference between a trade dispute and moralising conundrums.

These right-wing discourses have assumed various metamorphoses, but at their core rest charges of immorality and betrayal – to themselves, to the profession, and ultimately to the country. These narratives have been successfully deployed since as far back as the First World War to delegitimise strikes as immoral and “un-British” – something that has remarkably haunted mainstream left-wing and union politics for over 100 years.

Unfortunately, the BMA has inherited this doubt and suspicion. Tellingly, a direct missive from the state machinery that the BMA was “trying to topple the government” helped reinforce the same historic fears of betrayal and unpatriotic behaviour that somehow crossed a sentient threshold.

Often this led to abstract and cynical theorising such as whether doctors would return to work in the face of fantastical terrorist attacks, distracting the BMA from the trade dispute at hand.

In time, with much complicity from the BMA, direct action is slowly substituted for direct inaction with no real purpose and focus ever-shifting from the contract. The health service is superficially lamented as under-resourced and underfunded, yes, but certainly no serious plan or comment on how political factors and ideologies have contributed to its present condition.

There is little to be said by the BMA for how responsibility for welfare provision lay with government rather than individual doctors; virtually nothing on the role of austerity policies; and total silence on how neoliberal policies act as a system of corporate welfare, eliciting government action when in the direct interests of corporatism.

In place of safeguards demanded by the grassroots, there are instead vague quick-fixes. Indeed, there can be no protections for whistleblowers without recourse to definable and tested legal safeguards. There are limited incentives for compliance by employers because of atomised union representation and there can be no exposure of a failing system when workers are treated as passive objects requiring ever-greater regulation.

In many ways, the BMA exists as the archetypal “union for a union’s sake”, whose material and functional interest is largely self-intuitive. The preservation of the union as an entity is an end in itself.

Addressing conflict in a manner consistent with corporate and business frameworks, there remains at all times overarching emphasis on stability (“the BMA is the only union for doctors”), controlled compromise (“this is the best deal we can get”) and appeasement to “greater” interests (“think of the patients”). These are reiterated even when diametrically opposed to its own members or irrelevant to the trade dispute.

With great chutzpah, the BMA often moves from one impasse to the next, framing defeats as somehow in the interests of the membership. Channels of communication between hierarchy and members remain opaque, allowing decisions such as revocation of the democratic mandate for industrial action to be made with frightening informality.

Pointedly, although the BMA often appears to be doing nothing, the hierarchy is in fact continually defining the scope of choice available to members – silence equals facilitation and de facto acceptance of imposition. You don’t get a sense of cumulative unionism ready to inspire its members towards a swift and decisive victory.

The BMA has woefully wasted the potential for direct action. It has encouraged a passive and pessimistic malaise among its remaining membership and presided over the most spectacular failure of union representation in a generation.

Ahmed Wakas Khan is a junior doctor, freelance journalist and editorials lead at The Platform. He tweets @SireAhmed.