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Work experience works

New research by NIESR/DWP shows the positive effect of the government's work experience programme.

The DWP has finished its examination of the work experience programme which caused so much trouble two months ago, and it reports that it has a small but definite positive effect. Jonathan Portes of NIESR, who peer-reviewed the study, writes:

The impacts are not huge: 16 weeks after starting the programme, 46 percent of participants are off benefit, compared to 40 percent of comparable non-participants; 35 percent are recorded as being in employment, compared to 27 percent of non-participants (the figures for employment are probably somewhat less reliable, for data reasons).  However, the impact is very clearly positive, and given that the programme is relatively cheap, it is almost certainly a worthwhile investment.

Portes adds:

The fact that the actual impact of the programme is much smaller than implied by Ministers' claims at the time – but at the same time that it is clearly a good and cost-effective programme – should lead to a greater sense of perspective about the impact of policies.  Most social programmes don't help everyone who participates – either because their outcomes remain poor despite the programme, or because they would have had a good outcome anyway.

The efficacy of the program is encouraging, but it is just one of the avenues of attack which the government's various back-to-work schemes – collectively dubbed "workfare" – have been subject to.

The strongest opposition was engendered by the compulsory nature of many of the programmes. Although the work experience programme specifically was always supposed to be voluntary, evidence came to light that letters referring participants to the scheme were worded in a way that strongly implied that non-participation would be punished. In addition, the scheme sanctioned participants who pulled out after the first week.

After meeting with employers who took part in the programme, the DWP reported that all the compulsory elements would be dropped.

The question which remains to be answered, however, is whether the work experience programme makes sense as a macro-initiative. As Chris Dillow pointed out last month, many misguided government policies can be traced back to the same error:

A minister at the DWP has said that there is a "lack of an appetite for some. . . jobs that are available." Let’s grant – heroically – that this is the case, and that she gets her way and the unemployed step up their job search. Some will find work. But in doing so, they’ll merely get those jobs at the expense of other job-seekers; remember, there are around six unemployed for every vacancy. More intensive job search is rational for an individual - it increases their chances of getting work - but it isn’t aggregatively beneficial, as it merely increases others’ frustration...

What we have here, then, is an example of behaviour that is individually sensible but collectively self-defeating.

[This] advice thus represents a form of the fallacy of composition. [She] fails to see that what’s rational for an individual might not benefit all individuals.

This aspect of the work experience programme is one we have yet to see. If the work experience programme isn't creating jobs – and it is hard to see how it could be – then all it is doing is moving vacancies from one set of unemployed people to another at taxpayer's expense. While the programme may work on an individual level, it may still not be something that the government should be doing nationwide.

Alex Hern is a technology reporter for the Guardian. He was formerly staff writer at the New Statesman. You should follow Alex on Twitter.

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Q&A: What are tax credits and how do they work?

All you need to know about the government's plan to cut tax credits.

What are tax credits?

Tax credits are payments made regularly by the state into bank accounts to support families with children, or those who are in low-paid jobs. There are two types of tax credit: the working tax credit and the child tax credit.

What are they for?

To redistribute income to those less able to get by, or to provide for their children, on what they earn.

Are they similar to tax relief?

No. They don’t have much to do with tax. They’re more of a welfare thing. You don’t need to be a taxpayer to receive tax credits. It’s just that, unlike other benefits, they are based on the tax year and paid via the tax office.

Who is eligible?

Anyone aged over 16 (for child tax credits) and over 25 (for working tax credits) who normally lives in the UK can apply for them, depending on their income, the hours they work, whether they have a disability, and whether they pay for childcare.

What are their circumstances?

The more you earn, the less you are likely to receive. Single claimants must work at least 16 hours a week. Let’s take a full-time worker: if you work at least 30 hours a week, you are generally eligible for working tax credits if you earn less than £13,253 a year (if you’re single and don’t have children), or less than £18,023 (jointly as part of a couple without children but working at least 30 hours a week).

And for families?

A family with children and an income below about £32,200 can claim child tax credit. It used to be that the more children you have, the more you are eligible to receive – but George Osborne in his most recent Budget has limited child tax credit to two children.

How much money do you receive?

Again, this depends on your circumstances. The basic payment for a single claimant, or a joint claim by a couple, of working tax credits is £1,940 for the tax year. You can then receive extra, depending on your circumstances. For example, single parents can receive up to an additional £2,010, on top of the basic £1,940 payment; people who work more than 30 hours a week can receive up to an extra £810; and disabled workers up to £2,970. The average award of tax credit is £6,340 per year. Child tax credit claimants get £545 per year as a flat payment, plus £2,780 per child.

How many people claim tax credits?

About 4.5m people – the vast majority of these people (around 4m) have children.

How much does it cost the taxpayer?

The estimation is that they will cost the government £30bn in April 2015/16. That’s around 14 per cent of the £220bn welfare budget, which the Tories have pledged to cut by £12bn.

Who introduced this system?

New Labour. Gordon Brown, when he was Chancellor, developed tax credits in his first term. The system as we know it was established in April 2003.

Why did they do this?

To lift working people out of poverty, and to remove the disincentives to work believed to have been inculcated by welfare. The tax credit system made it more attractive for people depending on benefits to work, and gave those in low-paid jobs a helping hand.

Did it work?

Yes. Tax credits’ biggest achievement was lifting a record number of children out of poverty since the war. The proportion of children living below the poverty line fell from 35 per cent in 1998/9 to 19 per cent in 2012/13.

So what’s the problem?

Well, it’s a bit of a weird system in that it lets companies pay wages that are too low to live on without the state supplementing them. Many also criticise tax credits for allowing the minimum wage – also brought in by New Labour – to stagnate (ie. not keep up with the rate of inflation). David Cameron has called the system of taxing low earners and then handing them some money back via tax credits a “ridiculous merry-go-round”.

Then it’s a good thing to scrap them?

It would be fine if all those low earners and families struggling to get by would be given support in place of tax credits – a living wage, for example.

And that’s why the Tories are introducing a living wage...

That’s what they call it. But it’s not. The Chancellor announced in his most recent Budget a new minimum wage of £7.20 an hour for over-25s, rising to £9 by 2020. He called this the “national living wage” – it’s not, because the current living wage (which is calculated by the Living Wage Foundation, and currently non-compulsory) is already £9.15 in London and £7.85 in the rest of the country.

Will people be better off?

No. Quite the reverse. The IFS has said this slightly higher national minimum wage will not compensate working families who will be subjected to tax credit cuts; it is arithmetically impossible. The IFS director, Paul Johnson, commented: “Unequivocally, tax credit recipients in work will be made worse off by the measures in the Budget on average.” It has been calculated that 3.2m low-paid workers will have their pay packets cut by an average of £1,350 a year.

Could the government change its policy to avoid this?

The Prime Minister and his frontbenchers have been pretty stubborn about pushing on with the plan. In spite of criticism from all angles – the IFS, campaigners, Labour, The Sun – Cameron has ruled out a review of the policy in the Autumn Statement, which is on 25 November. But there is an alternative. The chair of parliament’s Work & Pensions Select Committee and Labour MP Frank Field has proposed what he calls a “cost neutral” tweak to the tax credit cuts.

How would this alternative work?

Currently, if your income is less than £6,420, you will receive the maximum amount of tax credits. That threshold is called the gross income threshold. Field wants to introduce a second gross income threshold of £13,100 (what you earn if you work 35 hours a week on minimum wage). Those earning a salary between those two thresholds would have their tax credits reduced at a slower rate on whatever they earn above £6,420 up to £13,100. The percentage of what you earn above the basic threshold that is deducted from your tax credits is called the taper rate, and it is currently at 41 per cent. In contrast to this plan, the Tories want to halve the income threshold to £3,850 a year and increase the taper rate to 48 per cent once you hit that threshold, which basically means you lose more tax credits, faster, the more you earn.

When will the tax credit cuts come in?

They will be imposed from April next year, barring a u-turn.

Anoosh Chakelian is deputy web editor at the New Statesman.