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The NS Interview: Sergei Polonsky, businessman

“Next time, I’ll bet on something more edible than my tie”

Forbes magazine listed you as one of the “nine most unusual Russian businessmen". Is that a fair assessment?
My only grievance is that I only came in sixth place! Even German Gref, the head of Savings Bank (the largest bank in Russia) was ahead of me. He's very proper and not unusual at all. I'm very disappointed with that ranking.

You made your fortune in property development - what sparked your interest?
The war in South Ossetia. I served active duty in the airforce. After seeing the horrors of war and the destruction it caused, I decided I no longer wanted to destroy; I wanted to create.

Which building are you most proud of?
The Federation Tower in Moscow. It is a very complex building, and not yet completed. It will consist of two towers - the first was completed in 2008 and the second is due for completion in the autumn. At 506 metres [the central spire] is due to become the tallest building in Europe.

You are known for your entrepreneurial success. What's your secret?
I keep a diary filled with meditations on mental, visual and aural experiences. Last year, two books of these were published. All my secrets can be found in these.

Do you have a business "philosophy"?
My philosophy is best summarised in the words of Steve Jobs: "Stay hungry. Stay foolish." Jobs was an inspiration to us all.

What else inspires you?
The flow of energy through space.

How did your upbringing shape your outlook?
I grew up in the Vyborg District of Leningrad. I took a lot of influence from my parents. Although I think education is very important, I don't think it is as important as the talents provided to you by nature and the Lord. These gifts are indispensable.

You were part of the huge boom in Russia. Was that accumulation of wealth healthy?
This is a complex issue. Many countries have been through booms, and it was Russia's turn. A few people were able to take advantage - they were in the right place at the right time. But this is no different to any other country.

What is the biggest challenge facing Russia?
Russians need to learn to live by their conscience and the law, and develop a civil society.

What do you think will be the outcome of the presidential election?
I do not comment on policy. I do not like to get involved with the politics of Russia.

If you could change one thing in Russian society, what would it be?
I would make the judges more independent, honest, incorruptible and fair.

Is free expression in danger in Russia?
No. As long as we have the internet, an unrestricted area for individuals to air their thoughts, free speech will be available.

How do you see the future of Russian media?
Traditional media aren't of interest to me. Time is running out and they'll slowly and surely come to a natural death. The internet is the future.

You became known in the UK when you were punched by Alexander Lebedev on television. What was your reaction?
It was an enormous shock - a cultural, emotional and information shock. To find out that a large proportion of people considered Lebedev a hero disappointed and disgusted me. It was only after time had passed that people saw it in black and white: I was the victim.

What do you think of Lebedev's interests in British newspapers?
It isn't my place to say anything about Lebedev's business. I think it is up to the journalist community to look at him and decide whether he is the right kind of person to own the media.

You ate your tie recently after losing a bet. Are you always a man of your word?
Yes. I had made a forecast for the following six months and my predictions were wrong. I kept my promise and did eat a part of my tie. Between us, it wasn't very tasty. Next time I'll be sure to bet on something more edible.

Is there a plan?
Does Donald Trump have a career plan?! I think we should call them "creative plans". My ultimate aim is to make a significant contribution to the architectural skyline of Moscow.

Do you vote?
Yes.

Is there anything you'd like to forget?
Every night, I try to forget the day that has stood before me and I aim to begin every new day afresh, with new thoughts.

Are we all doomed?
We should smile and enjoy our lives, then the world will be endless.

Defining Moments

1972 Born in St Petersburg
1989 Joins Russian Airborne Troops
1990-92 Does service in air assault brigade. Is stationed in Tskhinval combat zone
1994 Establishes Stroymontazh Ltd, specialising in construction
2004 Company is renamed Mirax Group; erects many big buildings in Moscow
2011 Liquidates the Mirax brand after financial crisis
2011 Is punched by Alexander Lebedev

Sophie Elmhirst is features editor of the New Statesman

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The French millennials marching behind Marine Le Pen

A Front National rally attracts former socialists with manicured beards, and a lesbian couple. 

“In 85 days, Marine will be President of the French Republic!” The 150-strong crowd cheered at the sound of the words. On stage, the speaker, the vice-president of the far-right Front National (FN), Florian Philippot, continued: “We will be told that it’s the apocalypse, by the same banks, media, politicians, who were telling the British that Brexit would be an immediate catastrophe.

"Well, they voted, and it’s not! The British are much better off than we are!” The applause grew louder and louder. 

I was in the medieval city of Metz, in a municipal hall near the banks of the Moselle River, a tributary of the Rhine from which the region takes its name. The German border lies 49km east; Luxembourg City is less than an hour’s drive away. This is the "Country of the Three Borders", equidistant from Strasbourg and Frankfurt, and French, German and French again after various wars. Yet for all that local history is deeply rooted in the wider European history, votes for the Front National rank among the highest nationally, and continue to rise at every poll. 

In rural Moselle, “Marine”, as the Front National leader Marine Le Pen is known, has an envoy. In 2014, the well-spoken, elite-educated Philippot, 35, ran for mayor in Forbach, a former miner’s town near the border. He lost to the Socialist candidate but has visited regularly since. Enough for the locals to call him “Florian".

I grew up in a small town, Saint-Avold, halfway between Metz and Forbach. When my grandfather was working in the then-prosperous coal mines, the Moselle region attracted many foreign workers. Many of my fellow schoolmates bore Italian and Polish surnames. But the last mine closed in 2004, and now, some of the immigrants’ grandchildren are voting for the National Front.

Returning, I can't help but wonder: How did my generation, born with the Maastricht treaty, end up turning to the Eurosceptic, hard right FN?

“We’ve seen what the other political parties do – it’s always the same. We must try something else," said Candice Bertrand, 23, She might not be part of the group asking Philippot for selfies, but she had voted FN at every election, and her family agreed. “My mum was a Communist, then voted for [Nicolas] Sarkozy, and now she votes FN. She’s come a long way.”  The way, it seemed, was political distrust.

Minutes earlier, Philippot had pleaded with the audience to talk to their relatives and neighbours. Bertrand had brought her girlfriend, Lola, whom she was trying to convince to vote FN.  Lola wouldn’t give her surname – her strongly left-wing family would “certainly not” like to know she was there. She herself had never voted.

This infuriated Bertrand. “Women have fought for the right to vote!” she declared. Daily chats with Bertrand and her family had warmed up Lola to voting Le Pen in the first round, although not yet in the second. “I’m scared of a major change,” she confided, looking lost. “It’s a bit too extreme.” Both were too young to remember 2002, when a presidential victory for the then-Front National leader Jean-Marie Le Pen, was only a few percentage points away.

Since then, under the leadership of his daughter, Marine, the FN has broken every record. But in this region, the FN’s success isn’t new. In 2002, when liberal France was shocked to see Le Pen reach the second round of the presidential election, the FN was already sailing in Moselle. Le Pen grabbed 23.7 per cent of the Moselle vote in the first round and 21.9 per cent in the second, compared to 16.9 per cent and 17.8 per cent nationally. 

The far-right vote in Moselle remained higher than the national average before skyrocketing in 2012. By then, the younger, softer-looking Marine had taken over the party. In that year, the FN won an astonishing 24.7 per cent of the Moselle vote, and 17.8 per cent nationwide.

For some people of my generation, the FN has already provided opportunities. With his manicured beard and chic suit, Emilien Noé still looks like the Young Socialist he was between 16 and 18 years old. But looks can be deceiving. “I have been disgusted by the internal politics at the Socialist Party, the lack of respect for the low-ranked campaigners," he told me. So instead, he stood as the FN’s youngest national candidate to become mayor in his village, Gosselming, in 2014. “I entered directly into action," he said. (He lost). Now, at just 21, Noé is the FN’s youth coordinator for Eastern France.

Metz, Creative Commons licence credit Morgaine

Next to him stood Kevin Pfeiffer, 27. He told me he used to believe in the Socialist ideal, too - in 2007, as a 17-year-old, he backed Ségolène Royal against Sarkozy. But he is now a FN local councillor and acts as the party's general co-ordinator in the region. Both Noé and Pfeiffer radiated a quiet self-confidence, the sort that such swift rises induces. They shared a deep respect for the young-achiever-in-chief: Philippot. “We’re young and we know we can have perspectives in this party without being a graduate of l’ENA,” said another activist, Olivier Musci, 24. (The elite school Ecole Nationale d’Administration, or ENA, is considered something of a mandatory finishing school for politicians. It counts Francois Hollande and Nicolas Sarkozy among its alumni. Ironically, Philippot is one, too.)

“Florian” likes to say that the FN scores the highest among the young. “Today’s youth have not grown up in a left-right divide”, he told me when I asked why. “The big topics, for them, were Maastricht, 9/11, the Chinese competition, and now Brexit. They have grown up in a political world structured around two poles: globalism versus patriotism.” Notably, half his speech was dedicated to ridiculing the FN's most probably rival, the maverick centrist Emmanuel Macron. “It is a time of the nations. Macron is the opposite of that," Philippot declared. 

At the rally, the blue, red and white flame, the FN’s historic logo, was nowhere to be seen. Even the words “Front National” had deserted the posters, which were instead plastered with “in the name of the people” slogans beneath Marine’s name and large smile. But everyone wears a blue rose at the buttonhole. “It’s the synthesis between the left’s rose and the right’s blue colour”, Pfeiffer said. “The symbol of the impossible becoming possible.” So, neither left nor right? I ask, echoing Macron’s campaign appeal. “Or both left and right”, Pfeiffer answered with a grin.

This nationwide rebranding follows years of efforts to polish the party’s jackass image, forged by decades of xenophobic, racist and anti-Semitic declarations by Le Pen Sr. His daughter evicted him from the party in 2015.

Still, Le Pen’s main pledges revolve around the same issue her father obsessed over - immigration. The resources spent on "dealing with migrants" will, Le Pen promises, be redirected to address the concerns of "the French people". Unemployment, which has been hovering at 10 per cent for years, is very much one of them. Moselle's damaged job market is a booster for the FN - between 10 and 12 per cent of young people are unemployed.

Yet the two phenomena cannot always rationally be linked. The female FN supporters I met candidly admitted they drove from France to Luxembourg every day for work and, like many locals, often went shopping in Germany. Yet they hopep to see the candidate of “Frexit” enter the Elysee palace in May. “We've never had problems to work in Luxembourg. Why would that change?” asked Bertrand. (Le Pen's “144 campaign pledges” promise frontier workers “special measures” to cross the border once out of the Schengen area, which sounds very much like the concept of the Schengen area itself.)

Grégoire Laloux, 21, studied history at the University of Metz. He didn't believe in the European Union. “Countries have their own interests. There are people, but no European people,” he said. “Marine is different because she defends patriotism, sovereignty, French greatness and French history.” He compared Le Pen to Richelieu, the cardinal who made Louis XIV's absolute monarchy possible:  “She, too, wants to build a modern state.”

French populists are quick to link the country's current problems to immigration, and these FN supporters were no exception. “With 7m poor and unemployed, we can't accept all the world's misery,” Olivier Musci, 24, a grandchild of Polish and Italian immigrants, told me. “Those we welcome must serve the country and be proud to be here.”

Lola echoed this call for more assimilation. “At our shopping centre, everyone speaks Arabic now," she said. "People have spat on us, thrown pebbles at us because we're lesbians. But I'm in my country and I have the right to do what I want.” When I asked if the people who attacked them were migrants, she was not so sure. “Let's say, they weren't white.”

Trump promised to “Make America Great Again”. To where would Le Pen's France return? Would it be sovereign again? White again? French again? Ruled by absolutism again? She has blurred enough lines to seduce voters her father never could – the young, the gay, the left-wingers. At the end of his speech, under the rebranded banners, Philippot invited the audience to sing La Marseillaise with him. And in one voice they did: “To arms citizens! Form your battalions! March, march, let impure blood, water our furrows...” The song is the same as the one I knew growing up. But it seemed to me, this time, a more sinister tune.