High-water mark: police comb a beach near Fukushima for bodies, following the 2011 tsunami. Photo: Jeremy Sutton-Hibbert/Getty Images.
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Staying power: the seemingly exceptional economics of Japan

2013 was the year the world’s financial markets suddenly became interested in Japan again.

Bending Adversity: Japan and the Art of Survival
David Pilling
Allen Lane, 432pp, £20

Until December 2012, Japan was proverbial in the City as the graveyard of global investors. It seemed impossible to get right. How many false dawns on its stock market had the optimists endured over the two “lost decades”, since the collapse of its great bubble in 1990? Then again, how often had the pessimists – warning of imminent default, as Japan’s pile of government debt grew bigger and bigger – turned out to be crying wolf? A frustrated fund manager of my acquaintance summed up the way in which many financial types had come to think of Japan: “I don’t understand what is happening there and I never will: sometimes, I wish it just didn’t exist.”

Yet Japan continued to exist – and despite its lost decades was still the world’s largest creditor nation, its third biggest economy and the undisputed technological leader in a whole host of its most important industries. This apparent paradox has been troubling visitors for years. In the middle of David Pilling’s new book there is a photograph of Tokyo’s dazzlingly futuristic neon cityscape at night. “If this is a recession,” said a visiting politician who witnessed this sight with Pilling, “I want one.” Somehow, Japan has managed to remain both a byword for economic catastrophe and an object of economic emulation. No wonder my friend was so baffled.

The trouble is that Japan resists simplification, and the risk for any book about it is, therefore, that it resorts to caricature. That is a danger for a book about any country, of course. But it is a special risk in the case of Japan, with its confusing economic paradoxes – to say nothing of its white-gloved taxi drivers, its Tamagotchis and its musical loos.

Pilling – a Financial Times journalist who was the paper’s Tokyo bureau chief from 2002-08 – is not just alert to this danger. He turns it to his advantage.

To begin with, he confronts Japan’s supposed exceptionalism head on. It is a notion dear not just to orientalising westerners but, he explains, to many Japanese too. Pilling locks horns with some of the most obsessive proponents of nihonjinron – the study of Japaneseness – whose fanatical claims sound hollow next to his disarming irony. The real ingenuity in Pilling’s approach, however, is not to attempt the impossible task of capturing in a single, seamless portrait the essence of Japan but to assemble instead a highly readable collage of evocative vignettes, drawing on historical episodes and his own experience.

The core of the book consists of four sections. The first explains how Japan’s history before the Meiji restoration and in the early 20th century led to its isolation from the rest of Asia. The second covers the decades of Japan’s economic miracle after the Second World War. The third is an exploration of “Life After Growth” – a series of despatches from the Japan of the 2000s, whose economic and demographic stagnation at high levels of wealth and income have recently begun to haunt the west. The last concerns the important implications for Japan of China’s rise.

The overarching theme is that the puzzling combination of an alleged economic depression with exceptional economic success is just the beginning of Japan’s complexities. The Second World War, for example, left westerners convinced that the Japanese were innately totalitarian, and the seemingly inexorable advance of its monolithic zaibatsu (business conglomerates) confirmed them in this prejudice. Pilling quotes the Meiji-era reformer Yukichi Fukuzawa to remind us that, in reality, Japan had a liberal political tradition as venerable as that of many other countries, even if it could be expressed in apparently self-contradictory terms: “the feudal system is my father’s mortal enemy which I am honour-bound to destroy”.

Pilling might equally have plucked a line or two from the poignant letters written by young Japanese pilots to their families during the war in the Pacific. “I am very proud of being chosen as a kamikaze pilot,” wrote one, but “if I listened only to my reason . . . I would know that freedom is certain to triumph in the end. Perhaps I might be reproached with ‘liberalism’. But freedom is the very essence of human nature and cannot be annihilated.”

Yoshi Imagi, the young man who wrote those words in his last letter, before crash-diving his aeroplane on to an American warship in May 1945, knew that the Japanese are not innately different from anyone else. They just live under different institutions.

In the nationalist era those institutions were murderous. In the postwar period, Japan developed a new set of institutions that were equally unusual but much more benign – most famously, the unique corporate system that served as the basis of its economic miracle. Here, too, western prejudice was quick to chalk up Japanese success to racial difference or “Asian values”. But again the truth is that it was really down to the deliberate choice of different, and more efficient, practices – as their later adoption by western firms confirmed.

Yet there is one aspect of Japanese society that Pilling believes is unique. This is the quality of resilience to which the book’s title, Bending Adversity, alludes. To illustrate this point, the core of the book is bracketed by two sections that describe in compelling detail the catastrophic tsunami that devastated Japan on 11 March 2011, and the extraordinary achievements of the Japanese in overcoming its impact and aftermath.

The hardships that the Japanese endured were awful. Whole communities were wiped out in the north-east. The disaster at the Fukushima nuclear plant prompted the shutdown of Japan’s entire nuclear power industry almost overnight. Yet the country coped. There was no Hurricane Katrina-style breakdown of civil order in Tohoku. Japan’s ultra-modern metropolises instantly adapted to life without lifts and air-conditioning.

The stories have visceral power and are beautifully told. They also give a book that is deliberately fragmentary a satisfying narrative arc. If there is a key to Japan’s history, Pilling argues, it is in its phenomenal ability to turn calamity to advantage.

Pilling’s command of structure is enviable. His sense of timing isn’t bad either. The year 2013 was the year when the world’s financial markets suddenly became interested in Japan again. After 20 years of half measures, the Japanese elected a prime minister in December 2012 – Shinzo Abe – who promised to do things differently. A new governor at the Bank of Japan promptly embarked on the most aggressive programme of monetary easing the world has yet seen.

The Japanese stock market rocketed and the yen collapsed. The consequences for the rest of the world have yet to be fully parsed. But my friend the fund manager is already tearing his hair out at this latest surprise from Japan.

Now I know how to console him: I will give him a copy of David Pilling’s book.

Felix Martin writes the “Real Money” column for the NS. He is the author of “Money: the Unauthorised Biography”

Macroeconomist, bond trader and author of Money

This article first appeared in the 29 January 2014 issue of the New Statesman, The seven per cent problem

Photo: Getty
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The campaign to keep Britain in Europe must be based on hope, not fear

Together we can show the world a generous, outward-facing Britain we can all be proud of.

Today the Liberal Democrats launched our national campaign to keep Britain in Europe. With the polls showing the outcome of this referendum is on a knife-edge, our party is determined to play a decisive role in this once in a generation fight. This will not be an easy campaign. But it is one we will relish as the UK's most outward-looking and internationalist party. Together in Europe the UK has delivered peace, created the world’s largest free trade area and given the British people the opportunity to live, work and travel freely across the continent. Now is the time to build on these achievements, not throw them all away.

Already we are hearing fear-mongering from both sides in this heated debate. On the one hand, Ukip and the feuding Leave campaigns have shamelessly seized on the events in Cologne at New Year to claim that British women will be at risk if the UK stays in Europe. On the other, David Cameron claims that the refugees he derides as a "bunch of migrants" in Calais will all descend on the other side of the Channel the minute Britain leaves the EU. The British public deserve better than this. Rather than constant mud-slinging and politicising of the world's biggest humanitarian crisis since the Second World War, we need a frank and honest debate about what is really at stake. Most importantly this should be a positive campaign, one that is fought on hope and not on fear. As we have a seen in Scotland, a referendum won through scare tactics alone risks winning the battle but losing the war.

The voice of business and civil society, from scientists and the police to environmental charities, have a crucial role to play in explaining how being in the EU benefits the British economy and enhances people's everyday lives. All those who believe in Britain's EU membership must not be afraid to speak out and make the positive case why being in Europe makes us more prosperous, stable and secure. Because at its heart this debate is not just about facts and figures, it is about what kind of country we want to be.

The Leave campaigns cannot agree what they believe in. Some want the UK to be an offshore, deregulated tax haven, others advocate a protectionist, mean-hearted country that shuts it doors to the world. As with so many populist movements, from Putin to Trump, they are defined not by what they are for but what they are against. Their failure to come up with a credible vision for our country's future is not patriotic, it is irresponsible.

This leaves the field open to put forward a united vision of Britain's place in Europe and the world. Liberal Democrats are clear what we believe in: an open, inclusive and tolerant nation that stands tall in the world and doesn't hide from it. We are not uncritical of the EU's institutions. Indeed as Liberals, we fiercely believe that power must be devolved to the lowest possible level, empowering communities and individuals wherever possible to make decisions for themselves. But we recognise that staying in Europe is the best way to find the solutions to the problems that don't stop at borders, rather than leaving them to our children and grandchildren. We believe Britain must put itself at the heart of our continent's future and shape a more effective and more accountable Europe, focused on responding to major global challenges we face.

Together in Europe we can build a strong and prosperous future, from pioneering research into life-saving new medicines to tackling climate change and fighting international crime. Together we can provide hope for the desperate and spread the peace we now take for granted to the rest of the world. And together we can show the world a generous, outward-facing Britain we can all be proud of. So if you agree then join the Liberal Democrat campaign today, to remain in together, and to stand up for the type of Britain you think we should be.