That Mark Carney effect in full

The new Governor of the Bank of England makes sweeping changes.

It's our favourite chart, and you can really see the effect new governor Mark Carney is having on the Bank of England.

In all seriousness, though, the Bank's announcement of the meeting of the monetary policy committee (MPC) did contain a bombshell, of sorts:

The implied rise in the expected future path of Bank Rate was not warranted by the recent developments in the domestic economy.

In non-central-bank speak: "don't expect us to raise interest rates any time soon, because the economy is still in the toilet." What they're saying is almost less important than the fact that they're saying it at all, though. Interest rate decisions are normally passed down without any statement at all; we have to wait for the minutes of the MPC to be released a few weeks later to find out what was going through their heads. That pushes the statement from an explanation of their thoughts into active monetary policy in its own right. It is what's known as "forward guidance".

Monetary policy is, at heart, an expectations game. Interest rates, inflation, and even (to a lesser extent) the quantity of money matter because they change the decisions you make about how to plan for the future. If interest rates are low, you're likely to invest. If interest rates are low and likely to stay low, you're likely to invest more. If interest rates are low and the central bank is telling you they'll stay low for quite some time, well then, you may as well buy some stocks or build a bridge or something, because you aren't going to make any profit in a savings account.

Forward guidance is a very Carneyesque thing to be doing (although Mervyn King was no stranger to the concept himself), but there's two sides to the coin: making promises, and keeping them. This guidance isn't particularly controversial, merely stating what we all knew they were thinking; but it's useful to build up trust that when the Bank makes statements, they're statements you can bank on.


Fanfaronade adds to our translation. Though this metaphor is getting rather mixed now.

Alex Hern is a technology reporter for the Guardian. He was formerly staff writer at the New Statesman. You should follow Alex on Twitter.

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Autumn Statement 2015: George Osborne abandons his target

How will George Osborne close the deficit after his U-Turns? Answer: he won't, of course. 

“Good governments U-Turn, and U-Turn frequently.” That’s Andrew Adonis’ maxim, and George Osborne borrowed heavily from him today, delivering two big U-Turns, on tax credits and on police funding. There will be no cuts to tax credits or to the police.

The Office for Budget Responsibility estimates that, in total, the government gave away £6.2 billion next year, more than half of which is the reverse to tax credits.

Osborne claims that he will still deliver his planned £12bn reduction in welfare. But, as I’ve written before, without cutting tax credits, it’s difficult to see how you can get £12bn out of the welfare bill. Here’s the OBR’s chart of welfare spending:

The government has already promised to protect child benefit and pension spending – in fact, it actually increased pensioner spending today. So all that’s left is tax credits. If the government is not going to cut them, where’s the £12bn come from?

A bit of clever accounting today got Osborne out of his hole. The Universal Credit, once it comes in in full, will replace tax credits anyway, allowing him to describe his U-Turn as a delay, not a full retreat. But the reality – as the Treasury has admitted privately for some time – is that the Universal Credit will never be wholly implemented. The pilot schemes – one of which, in Hammersmith, I have visited myself – are little more than Potemkin set-ups. Iain Duncan Smith’s Universal Credit will never be rolled out in full. The savings from switching from tax credits to Universal Credit will never materialise.

The £12bn is smaller, too, than it was this time last week. Instead of cutting £12bn from the welfare budget by 2017-8, the government will instead cut £12bn by the end of the parliament – a much smaller task.

That’s not to say that the cuts to departmental spending and welfare will be painless – far from it. Employment Support Allowance – what used to be called incapacity benefit and severe disablement benefit – will be cut down to the level of Jobseekers’ Allowance, while the government will erect further hurdles to claimants. Cuts to departmental spending will mean a further reduction in the numbers of public sector workers.  But it will be some way short of the reductions in welfare spending required to hit Osborne’s deficit reduction timetable.

So, where’s the money coming from? The answer is nowhere. What we'll instead get is five more years of the same: increasing household debt, austerity largely concentrated on the poorest, and yet more borrowing. As the last five years proved, the Conservatives don’t need to close the deficit to be re-elected. In fact, it may be that having the need to “finish the job” as a stick to beat Labour with actually helped the Tories in May. They have neither an economic imperative nor a political one to close the deficit. 

Stephen Bush is editor of the Staggers, the New Statesman’s political blog.