Science & Tech 17 June 2013 Basic income versus the robots An economic all-stars match-up. Print HTML Two weeks ago, I wrote about the idea of a citizen's income: the state replacing the vast majority of the benefit system with one cash payment made to everyone, regardless of employment or income. The advantages of such a change are legion. At a stroke, the thorny issues of incentives are done away with, since work always pays; the deadweight loss associated with means testing disappears (albeit replaced with the deadweight loss of giving money to people who don't need it); those most likely to fall through the cracks of a regimented welfare state find the barrier to re-entry done away with; and it allows for a recognition of the value of certain types of non-market labour, like caring or raising children. The New York Times' Paul Krugman and the Financial Times' Izabella Kaminska now wade into the fray, proposing another advantage of the policy: its redistributive effect. Now, redistribution is already, prima facie, one of the absolute best things a government can do. Simply put, rich people don't need money, and poor people do. All else being equal, taking some money from rich people and giving it to poor people is therefore the absolute best way to improve worldwide welfare we know of. The problem is that all else is not equal: the act of taking and giving money changes people's actions in material ways. Giving or taking money from people changes their incentives, and may lead to sub-optimal decisions. So even if, on first assessment, redistribution is great, it may not be quite as effective as it ought to be. But Krugman and Kaminska argue that there's a strong chance that redistribution will get significantly more important in the near future. That's because, they fear, all our jobs will be taken by robots. (Well, alright, not robots exactly. Think of "robots" as a short-hand for a huge amount of automation, from factories running with fewer staff, through genuine robots doing work like caring for the elderly, all the way to the replacement of white-collar jobs in journalism or law with algorithms which can write financial stories or legal documents automatically). For the most part, all our jobs being taken by robots isn't that bad a thing. What that would mean in practice is that we would have the same standard of living that we have now, and wouldn't need to work for it. That's actually pretty great. The problem comes when the benefits from increased automation accrue, not to society at large, but to one small subset of society: the robot owners. (In other words, the problem comes when automation meets capitalism. But let's not go there) Krugman writes: I’ve noted before that the nature of rising inequality in America changed around 2000. Until then, it was all about worker versus worker; the distribution of income between labor and capital — between wages and profits, if you like — had been stable for decades. Since then, however, labor’s share of the pie has fallen sharply. As it turns out, this is not a uniquely American phenomenon. A new report from the International Labor Organization points out that the same thing has been happening in many other countries, which is what you’d expect to see if global technological trends were turning against workers. And Kaminska adds: The new inequality we are seeing has little to do with how well educated you are. It’s hard to penetrate beyond the barrier on education alone. The new inequality is about capital owners and non-capital owners. And increasingly, it’s about technology capital owners. Those who own the robots and the tech are becoming the new landlord rentier types. If automation does squeeze the labour market – even if it's just temporarily – then a basic income may be a good way to respond to it. That's especially the case if its implemented somewhat pre-emptively, avoiding the massive social upheaval caused during the last time technology disrupted the labour market this way: the industrial revolution. That only shook out fully once half the ruling class had been massacred in the First World War, and the Labour Party nationalised many of the companies owned by the other half. More than being just an evergreen idea, a basic income is a policy whose time has definitely come. › Before you take the job, check the number of windows in the office Photograph: Getty Images Alex Hern is a technology reporter for the Guardian. He was formerly staff writer at the New Statesman. You should follow Alex on Twitter. More Related articles Sex spreadsheets and thumb kisses: inside the world of couple apps From being a “B52 liberal” to the crisis of young Europeans How to be creepy: a comprehensive guide
Show Hide image North America 16 April 2016 For a man who supposedly cannot win, Bernie Sanders is doing pretty nicely Sanders has shown that you can make a serious run for the presidency without corporate cash. Print HTML For a man who supposedly cannot win, Bernie Sanders is doing pretty nicely. Even his opponents in the Hillary Clinton camp have been forced to concede that much. Yet as America’s presidential primary season grinds on and the nation looks ahead to the party conventions in July, it is time to admit something more. Stand aside, Donald Trump: the big story of the 2016 US presidential election, underplayed and under-reported until now, is the extraordinary rise of Sanders. He has gone from being a joke – a socialist! From Vermont! – to getting the full blowtorch treatment from the Democratic establishment, which sees him now as less of a batty uncle than a Bond villain. As the Nobel Prize-winning economist and New York Times columnist Paul Krugman asked last week: “Is Mr Sanders positioning himself to join the ‘Bernie or bust’ crowd, walking away if he can’t pull off an extraordinary upset, and possibly helping put Donald Trump or Ted Cruz in the White House? If not, what does he think he’s doing?” Well, just campaigning, really. Sanders had said that Hillary Clinton was unqualified to be president, which is a tough thing to say, and may or may not be true, but in this year of all years (think of the Republican fight over the wives of Trump and Cruz; think, if you can bear it, of The Donald’s penis) it’s hardly World War III. What has most upset the Hillary crowd is the horrid inconvenience of Sanders. The media, too (what on Earth is the point of political punditry after this campaign season?), have underestimated and patronised the Vermonter. An elderly, eccentric Jewish man from a picture-postcard state so outside the American mainstream that advertising billboards are banned there was hardly going to go the distance. He would fade. He’d get sweaty in the Deep South and lost in the hugeness of the Midwest. He would pine for the trees and cows and greenery of his home state. Clinton would crush him. Well, it hasn’t happened. Sanders has already made history, ripping up the campaign rule books which say that once you begin to be seen as a loser, you’re toast. Sanders is still widely (if wrongly; more on which later) seen as incapable of beating Clinton, but his ability to raise funds, the lifeblood of any presidential push, has been undiminished. In fact, the grey-haired socialist turns out to be a money magnet. On one day in February – one day – he raised $6m. Every month this year he has raised more than Clinton. Let’s just think about that. She is widely touted as the eventual winner. She has elite, premium-grade access to the drinks cabinet in every boardroom in America. She is (did she mention this?) the first woman with a credible chance of winning. But she can’t match his dough. Sanders raised $44m in March, almost $15m more than she did. There is worse news still for the Hillary camp. While she raised most of her money from people giving the maximum legal amount for an individual donor – $2,700 – he raised most of his from folks giving hardly anything. The average gift to Sanders is just $27, but millions are doing it, so the zeros look after themselves. In fact, he has made more money from small donations than Barack Obama managed in 2008. He is the first serious candidate to refuse to work with a super-Pac: a fundraising body, separate from a candidate’s campaign, which can spend corporate cash on his or her message. This money-magnetism has implications in both the short and the long term. It keeps Sanders’s candidacy alive almost irrespective of how he performs in primary contests. If he carries on raising money like this he can last through to the July convention and harass Clinton all the way. Second, it points the way for other left-wing candidates in the future: it is possible to make a serious run for the presidency in the modern United States without corporate money. That is an enticing prospect for an ambitious mayor of a large city who wants to bring high minimum wages and public transport and gun control to the whole nation. In other words, Sanders has managed to start a revolution that could end – even if he fails – in a genuinely left-wing Democratic candidate succeeding one day. That is quite a change, and one that ought to be noticed on this side of the Atlantic, too, by politicians of all stripes desperate to reconstruct mass parties for the modern age. True, American culture, on both the left and the right, makes people less cynical than we are about giving to political causes. What works in Detroit might not work in Doncaster. But the Sanders numbers will surely be watched in British party HQs. Wait, cry the Hillary people: even if all that might be true, Sanders is losing in delegates to the party convention. She has won more than he has, and that’s that. Clinton is ahead in elected delegates, but not by a huge number. She is relying on the so-called super-delegates, the party bigwigs, to see her home and dry. The Democratic Party invented this oligarchic system precisely to keep the left – the unelectable left – out. But Sanders is electable. In poll match-ups he beats all the possible Republican candidates. What right has the Democratic Party to bar him by using its unelected officeholders? So, could he still win? A loss for Clinton in New York State would hurt her badly (the primary is on 19 April). So would an indictment from the FBI over her state department emails. A health scare? Something Bill does or says? And then it would be Sanders v Cruz or Trump. My choice would be Sanders v Cruz: Vermont v Texas. For Americans who have been waiting for it, a true clash of civilisations. And no need to leave home. Justin Webb is a presenter of Radio 4’s “Today” programme and a former North America editor for the BBC This article first appeared in the 14 April 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The making of a monster More Related articles Rachel Dolezal’s crime was that she proved the border between races is entirely imaginary Boris Akunin: what it means to be a Georgian How does it feel to be a Muslim in France today?