File this one away in the "we'll see" pile

An exodus after the election?

The chief executive of deVere Group, "the world’s largest independent financial advisory firm", wants you to know that this time, rich people really mean it when they say they'll leave the country this time if taxes go up. Nick Green says:

The astute number crunchers at the Institute for Fiscal Studies have shown that the government will have little alternative but to borrow more or increase taxes to pay for the Chancellor’s budget. As this is after an election, a time when MPs can more afford to take controversial measures, it is highly probable that the new government would opt for the former [sic, but I think he means latter] – taxes would be hiked up…

As so-called ‘high tax Britain’ is set to become ‘even higher tax Britain’, I would fully expect there to be something of a wealth exodus from the UK as wealthy Brits and non-domiciled taxpayers in the UK seek to move themselves and assets to lower-tax jurisdictions in order to safeguard their funds.

We've already had that argument, of course. After the 50p tax was introduced, there was a drop in the number of bankers fleeing to Switzerland, with the majority of avoidance taking the form of bringing forward payments (which is part of the reason why cutting the rate so soon was a stupid idea – that's not a trick you can perform twice). And we'll see what happens from 1 April, but I'll be we don't get an exodus of bankers from Switzerland to Britain once the 50p tax dies either.

File this one away for the future, in other words – it could make tasty claim chowder.

 

Boarding the private jet… Photograph: Getty Images

Alex Hern is a technology reporter for the Guardian. He was formerly staff writer at the New Statesman. You should follow Alex on Twitter.

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Voters are turning against Brexit but the Lib Dems aren't benefiting

Labour's pro-Brexit stance is not preventing it from winning the support of Remainers. Will that change?

More than a year after the UK voted for Brexit, there has been little sign of buyer's remorse. The public, including around a third of Remainers, are largely of the view that the government should "get on with it".

But as real wages are squeezed (owing to the Brexit-linked inflationary spike) there are tentative signs that the mood is changing. In the event of a second referendum, an Opinium/Observer poll found, 47 per cent would vote Remain, compared to 44 per cent for Leave. Support for a repeat vote is also increasing. Forty one per cent of the public now favour a second referendum (with 48 per cent opposed), compared to 33 per cent last December. 

The Liberal Democrats have made halting Brexit their raison d'être. But as public opinion turns, there is no sign they are benefiting. Since the election, Vince Cable's party has yet to exceed single figures in the polls, scoring a lowly 6 per cent in the Opinium survey (down from 7.4 per cent at the election). 

What accounts for this disparity? After their near-extinction in 2015, the Lib Dems remain either toxic or irrelevant to many voters. Labour, by contrast, despite its pro-Brexit stance, has hoovered up Remainers (55 per cent back Jeremy Corbyn's party). 

In some cases, this reflects voters' other priorities. Remainers are prepared to support Labour on account of the party's stances on austerity, housing and education. Corbyn, meanwhile, is a eurosceptic whose internationalism and pro-migration reputation endear him to EU supporters. Other Remainers rewarded Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, rebelling against the leadership's stance. 

But the trend also partly reflects ignorance. By saying little on the subject of Brexit, Corbyn and Labour allowed Remainers to assume the best. Though there is little evidence that voters will abandon Corbyn over his EU stance, the potential exists.

For this reason, the proposal of a new party will continue to recur. By challenging Labour over Brexit, without the toxicity of Lib Dems, it would sharpen the choice before voters. Though it would not win an election, a new party could force Corbyn to soften his stance on Brexit or to offer a second referendum (mirroring Ukip's effect on the Conservatives).

The greatest problem for the project is that it lacks support where it counts: among MPs. For reasons of tribalism and strategy, there is no emergent "Gang of Four" ready to helm a new party. In the absence of a new convulsion, the UK may turn against Brexit without the anti-Brexiteers benefiting. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.