Treasury considers shifting tax burden for mid-sized companies

Move could lower avoidance rates if done well.

The Telegraph's Roland Gribben reports:

Two key proposals designed to simplify taxation of their businesses and shareholders by replacing the current set-up with a single layer and align tax treatment with commercial reality have been submitted to the Treasury.

One involves giving medium-sized companies the opportunity to elect to be taxed as if they were partnerships or sole proprietors to produce a single tax level for business profits.

The second would extend the real estate investment trust regime to include all privately owned businesses, freeing them of corporation tax but paying taxable dividends to shareholders.

It's a scary experience, pre-empting the treasury. As I wrote last month, such a move could be remarkably effective at tackling tax avoidance. It is a lot harder for individuals to avoid tax than it is for businesses to, if for no other reason than that individuals have an actual corporeal existence and find it significantly harder to be "headquartered" in a country they've never actually been to.

The Telegraph quotes the senior tax partner of the consultancy which drew up the reforms as suggesting that the changes as described would not reduce the tax take. That seems doubtful – especially the former suggestion, since allowing companies to elect to change their taxation rate all-but-guarantees that the only companies which take up the offer are those which would lower their taxable income by doing so. Realistically, such a move would have to be combined with an increase in the dividend tax rate to keep the tax take level. That increase would then probably require an increase in the marginal tax rate – at least at the top –  to retain the incentives to investment in the current tax system… which means that it's a policy move which no politician would touch with a ten-foot pole.

Still, we can but dream. If the Treasury does take up the policy, expect it to focus more on the "making companies pay less tax" aspect of it, which is far more in line with previous moves.

Photograph: Getty Images

Alex Hern is a technology reporter for the Guardian. He was formerly staff writer at the New Statesman. You should follow Alex on Twitter.

Photo: Getty Images
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The Fire Brigades Union reaffiliates to Labour - what does it mean?

Any union rejoining Labour will be welcomed by most in the party - but the impact on the party's internal politics will be smaller than you think.

The Fire Brigades Union (FBU) has voted to reaffiliate to the Labour party, in what is seen as a boost to Jeremy Corbyn. What does it mean for Labour’s internal politics?

Firstly, technically, the FBU has never affliated before as they are notionally part of the civil service - however, following the firefighters' strike in 2004, they decisively broke with Labour.

The main impact will be felt on the floor of Labour party conference. Although the FBU’s membership – at around 38,000 – is too small to have a material effect on the outcome of votes themselves, it will change the tenor of the motions put before party conference.

The FBU’s leadership is not only to the left of most unions in the Trades Union Congress (TUC), it is more inclined to bring motions relating to foreign affairs than other unions with similar politics (it is more internationalist in focus than, say, the PCS, another union that may affiliate due to Corbyn’s leadership). Motions on Israel/Palestine, the nuclear deterrent, and other issues, will find more support from FBU delegates than it has from other affiliated trade unions.

In terms of the balance of power between the affiliated unions themselves, the FBU’s re-entry into Labour politics is unlikely to be much of a gamechanger. Trade union positions, elected by trade union delegates at conference, are unlikely to be moved leftwards by the reaffiliation of the FBU. Unite, the GMB, Unison and Usdaw are all large enough to all-but-guarantee themselves a seat around the NEC. Community, a small centrist union, has already lost its place on the NEC in favour of the bakers’ union, which is more aligned to Tom Watson than Jeremy Corbyn.

Matt Wrack, the FBU’s General Secretary, will be a genuine ally to Corbyn and John McDonnell. Len McCluskey and Dave Prentis were both bounced into endorsing Corbyn by their executives and did so less than wholeheartedly. Tim Roache, the newly-elected General Secretary of the GMB, has publicly supported Corbyn but is seen as a more moderate voice at the TUC. Only Dave Ward of the Communication Workers’ Union, who lent staff and resources to both Corbyn’s campaign team and to the parliamentary staff of Corbyn and McDonnell, is truly on side.

The impact of reaffiliation may be felt more keenly in local parties. The FBU’s membership looks small in real terms compared Unite and Unison have memberships of over a million, while the GMB and Usdaw are around the half-a-million mark, but is much more impressive when you consider that there are just 48,000 firefighters in Britain. This may make them more likely to participate in internal elections than other affiliated trade unionists, just 60,000 of whom voted in the Labour leadership election in 2015. However, it is worth noting that it is statistically unlikely most firefighters are Corbynites - those that are will mostly have already joined themselves. The affiliation, while a morale boost for many in the Labour party, is unlikely to prove as significant to the direction of the party as the outcome of Unison’s general secretary election or the struggle for power at the top of Unite in 2018. 

Stephen Bush is editor of the Staggers, the New Statesman’s political blog.