Myanmar: the new Asian investment frontier

MasterCard and Visa have already entered the country, together with multinationals such as Nestle, CocaCola, Uniliver, Total and Suzuki.

When Nobel prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi arrived at the Italian ministry of foreign affairs this week after visiting the Pope, she walked into the room with six little roses in her hair and many question marks over the future of her country of 60m inhabitants. She always calls it by the pre-regime name of Burma, crystallising in five letters her role as opposition leader and her 15 years spent under house arrest.

Only a week before, a delegation of the country’s officials that included foreign minister Wunna Maung Lwin were in the same building to illustrate the economic reforms aimed at attracting much-needed foreign investments into the nation they instead called with the official name of Myanmar.

The different choice of name was echoed in the western suits and ties of the government representatives, followed by the traditional Burmese dress worn by Ms Suu Kyi. “It is easier to change dress than mindset,” she said, stressing that “there are no economic reforms without political reforms”.

So, what’s for foreign investors out there? The pile of papers illustrating the economic measures enacted since 2011 contained the CVs of the delegation, with no intention to hide their links to the military.

Nobody seems to be too bothered either by the call by international observers in the room to link reforms with a fully democratic process. According to a representative of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, a member of the delegation defined The Lady – Ms Su Kyi - “an inspiration”.

The source of the inspiration, however, warned the international community over the danger of overestimating the democratic opening the country is experiencing and urged to call on the  Myanmar government to change the constitution, which prevents her from running for president as a mother of foreign children. Currently, 25 per cent of seats in Parliament are reserved for the military.

For now, the government has set a target of almost 9 per cent growth by next year, saying it will prioritise poverty reduction, industrialisation, the development of the energy sector, telecommunications, education and the health sector.

MasterCard and Visa have already entered the country, together with multinationals such as Nestle, CocaCola, Uniliver, Total and Suzuki.

Italian energy giant ENI was among the winners of several onshore energy blocks and is already considering  Myanmar  its “new Asian frontier”, thanks to its strategic position and richness in raw materials, especially natural gas.  

“There have been only 150 explorations in the country so far, as much as in the  US  every two days,” ENI ‘s chief executive Paolo Scaroni said during the conference.

“Half of the population has no electricity and there is no economic development without it. Now, after decades of isolation,  Myanmar  could become a bridge between Southern Asia, the Asiatic Southern East and  China,” he added.

The main challenges however relate to uncertainty over future political stability and the possibility to proceed with the creation of a safe business environment. Doubts that have only began to ease following the endorsement in 2011 of the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights.

Myanmar delegation presented its packet of certainties offering a five-year tax holiday, the same rate of income tax between foreigners and  Myanmar  citizens, no taxes on imported machinery or raw material. The government also ticked the box of no nationalisations or expropriations, together with the right to repatriation.

Enough for the multinationals that have already expanded into Myanmar, while the challenges are still significant for smaller enterprises and range from an undeveloped banking system and a lack of capital market, to poor infrastructures and an inadequate insurance system.

In the words of the Myanmar delegation, this is not a nation ready-made for investors, but a bet on the future. A bet that UK investors are already supporting: if China tops the ranking, Britain is the fifth foreign investor and the first Western country, with twenty times the enterprises of the second foreign investor France and some 7 per cent slice of the total cake. 

As more stakeholders take the first steps into post-sanctions Myanmar, the focus ahead of the 2015 elections is not so much if the name, but if the mindset will change and who will benefit most from the forecast economic growth. 

 

Aung San Suu Kyi during a press conference in Italy. Photo: Getty

Sara Perria is the Assistant Editor for Banking and Payments, VRL Financial News

Lindsey Parnaby / Getty
Show Hide image

The public like radical policies, but they aren't so keen on radical politicians

Around the world, support for genuinely revolutionary ideas is strong, but in the UK at least, there's less enthusiasm for the people promising them.

You’re probably a getting a little bored of the litany of talking head statistics: trust in elected officials, parliament, the justice system and even democracy itself has been falling steadily for years and is at record lows. Maybe you’ve seen that graph that shows how people born after 1980 are significantly less likely than those born in 1960 to think that living in a democracy is ‘essential’. You’ve possibly heard of the ‘Pasokification’ of the centre-left, so-named the collapse of the once dominant Greek social democratic party Pasok, a technique being aggressively pursued by other centre-left parties in Europe to great effect.    

And so, goes the logic, there is a great appetite for something different, something new. It’s true! The space into which Trump et al barged leaves plenty of room for others: Beppe Grillo in Italy, Spanish Podemos, Bernie Sanders, Jean Luc Melanchon, and many more to come.

In my new book Radicals I followed movements and ideas that in many cases make someone like Jeremy Corbyn seem positively pedestrian: people who want to dismantle the nation state entirely, use technology to live forever, go off grid. All these ideas are finding fertile ground with the frustrated, disillusioned, and idealistic. The challenges of coming down the line – forces of climate change, technological change, fiscal crunch, mass movements of people – will demand new types of political ideas. Radical, outsider thinking is back, and this does, in theory at least, offer a chink of light for Corbyn’s Labour.

Polling last week found pretty surprising levels of support for many of his ideas. A big tax on high earners, nationalising the railways, banning zero hours contracts and upping the minimum wage are all popular. Support for renewable energy is at an all-time high. According to a recent YouGov poll, Brits actually prefer socialism to capitalism, a sentiment most strongly held among younger people.

There are others ideas too, which Corbyn is probably less likely to go for. Stopping benefits entirely for people who refuse to accept an offer of employment is hugely popular, and in one recent poll over half of respondents would be happy with a total ban on all immigration for the next two years. Around half the public now consistently want marijuana legalised, a number that will surely swell as US states with licenced pot vendors start showing off their dazzling tax returns.

The BNP effect used to refer to the problem the far-right had with selling their ideas. Some of their policies were extremely popular with the public, until associated with the BNP. It seems as though the same problem is now afflicting the Labour brand. It’s not the radical ideas – there is now a genuine appetite for those who think differently – that’s the problem, it’s the person who’s tasked with delivering them, and not enough people think Corbyn can or should. The ideal politician for the UK today is quite possibly someone who is bold enough to have genuinely radical proposals and ideas, and yet appears extremely moderate, sensible and centrist in character and temperament. Perhaps some blend of Blair and Corbyn. Sounds like an oxymoron doesn’t it? But this is politics, 2017. Anything is possible.

Jamie Bartlett is the head of the Violence and Extremism Programme and the Centre for the Analysis of Social Media at Demos.

0800 7318496