Five questions answered on the rise in first time buyers

How big is it and what does it mean?

There has been a big boost in the number of mortgages taken out by first time buyers, according to the Council of Mortgage Lenders (CML). We answer five questions on the rise.

How many more first time buyers are there?

According to the CML, the number of mortgages taken out by first time buyers has risen by 42per cent in a year.

What has caused this surge in first time buying? 

Mortgage brokers say it is proof that banks are lending again to first time buyers following government attempts to support the housing market.

Government schemes such as Funding for Lending, which offered £80 billion to banks to boost mortgage and business lending, have increased high loan-to-value lending.

The Help to Buy scheme launched in the March Budget, which is designed to help borrowers with small budgets, has also bolstered loans.

How many first time mortgages were actually approved this year compared to last?

In May, 25,100 first time buyer loans were approved, a rise of 29 per cent from April, and 42 per cent higher than May last year.

At its lowest figure just 8,500 loans were issued to first time buyers in January 2009.

A separate survey released today by e.surv reveals that June showed a total of 7,046 loans were approved to borrowers with deposits of 15 per cent or less – up from 4,790 loans at this level in June.

Total lending to home-buyers was up 23 per cent year-on-year, e.surv found. 

What are people saying?

Richard Sexton, director of e.surv, told The Telegraph: “Last year the lending market was thorny for first-time buyers. But over the last year, lenders have softened the process for them to get a house purchase loan.

“Buoyed by Funding for Lending [the Government scheme], and having had enough time to adjust to regulatory requirements and balance sheet restructurings, banks are more prepared to lend at these levels.”

What next – will the figure continue to rise?

Possibly. The Bank of England’s Credit Condition Survey suggests lenders are planning to increase their lending levels to buyers with a 10 per cent deposit in the third quarter of the year.

Messrs Cameron and Clegg accompany a first time buyer around her new neighbourhood. Photograph: Getty Images.

Heidi Vella is a features writer for Nridigital.com

Photo: Getty
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Forget planning for no deal. The government isn't really planning for Brexit at all

The British government is simply not in a position to handle life after the EU.

No deal is better than a bad deal? That phrase has essentially vanished from Theresa May’s lips since the loss of her parliamentary majority in June, but it lives on in the minds of her boosters in the commentariat and the most committed parts of the Brexit press. In fact, they have a new meme: criticising the civil service and ministers who backed a Remain vote for “not preparing” for a no deal Brexit.

Leaving without a deal would mean, among other things, dropping out of the Open Skies agreement which allows British aeroplanes to fly to the United States and European Union. It would lead very quickly to food shortages and also mean that radioactive isotopes, used among other things for cancer treatment, wouldn’t be able to cross into the UK anymore. “Planning for no deal” actually means “making a deal”.  (Where the Brexit elite may have a point is that the consequences of no deal are sufficiently disruptive on both sides that the British government shouldn’t  worry too much about the two-year time frame set out in Article 50, as both sides have too big an incentive to always agree to extra time. I don’t think this is likely for political reasons but there is a good economic case for it.)

For the most part, you can’t really plan for no deal. There are however some things the government could prepare for. They could, for instance, start hiring additional staff for customs checks and investing in a bigger IT system to be able to handle the increased volume of work that would need to take place at the British border. It would need to begin issuing compulsory purchases to build new customs posts at ports, particularly along the 300-mile stretch of the Irish border – where Northern Ireland, outside the European Union, would immediately have a hard border with the Republic of Ireland, which would remain inside the bloc. But as Newsnight’s Christopher Cook details, the government is doing none of these things.

Now, in a way, you might say that this is a good decision on the government’s part. Frankly, these measures would only be about as useful as doing your seatbelt up before driving off the Grand Canyon. Buying up land and properties along the Irish border has the potential to cause political headaches that neither the British nor Irish governments need. However, as Cook notes, much of the government’s negotiating strategy seems to be based around convincing the EU27 that the United Kingdom might actually walk away without a deal, so not making even these inadequate plans makes a mockery of their own strategy. 

But the frothing about preparing for “no deal” ignores a far bigger problem: the government isn’t really preparing for any deal, and certainly not the one envisaged in May’s Lancaster House speech, where she set out the terms of Britain’s Brexit negotiations, or in her letter to the EU27 triggering Article 50. Just to reiterate: the government’s proposal is that the United Kingdom will leave both the single market and the customs union. Its regulations will no longer be set or enforced by the European Court of Justice or related bodies.

That means that, when Britain leaves the EU, it will need, at a minimum: to beef up the number of staff, the quality of its computer systems and the amount of physical space given over to customs checks and other assorted border work. It will need to hire its own food and standards inspectors to travel the globe checking the quality of products exported to the United Kingdom. It will need to increase the size of its own regulatory bodies.

The Foreign Office is doing some good and important work on preparing Britain’s re-entry into the World Trade Organisation as a nation with its own set of tariffs. But across the government, the level of preparation is simply not where it should be.

And all that’s assuming that May gets exactly what she wants. It’s not that the government isn’t preparing for no deal, or isn’t preparing for a bad deal. It can’t even be said to be preparing for what it believes is a great deal. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.