Just how many banks do we need?

Creating more banks is not necessarily the answer.

According to Greg Clark, financial secretary to the Treasury, the current number of banks in the UK is unacceptable. Says Clark: “we need more banks.” The co-founder of Metro Bank, Anthony Thomson, is singing from the same song sheet. Speaking at a conference last week, Thomson forecast that we will see between five and 15 new banks over the next three to five years. Let’s get real. There are immense barriers to setting up a new bank – as indeed there should be. If we witness two or three new banks over the next three years up and running, that would be a result.

Love them or loathe them, Tesco is one of the world’s most successful retailers, if you forgive it their disastrous foray into the US and the millions lost on its Fresh & Easy project. Even Tesco has found the launch of a current account product in the UK a major challenge. For the past year or more, Tesco has been working on rolling out a current account. We are still waiting to see what the Tesco Bank current account will look like. And this from a banking unit with deep pockets and led by Benny Higgins, arguably one of the leading retail bankers of his generation.

There are currently 17 separate providers of current accounts in the UK. The Tesco Bank launch, slated for the third quarter, will take us to 18. Additional competition is also coming from Bank of Ireland; it is to run three current accounts on behalf of The Post Office. The Post Office is currently trialing its new current account products across 29 branches across Essex and East Anglia ahead of a nationwide launch.

Within government, there seems to be a belief that making it easier for new banks to launch will somehow improve standards as a result of an increase in competition. What the country certainly could with is more responsible banks….an increase in innovation, perhaps. More transparent pricing would help for a start.

If the banks are really to serve the economy, the government has no option but to ensure that they are well -capitalised banks: by its nature, the need to be well capitalised will make it more difficult for new entrants to launch. The argument that we simply need more banks seems to this writer to be not proven.

 

Douglas Blakey is the editor of Retail Banker International

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The Brexiteers' response to John Major shows their dangerous complacency

Leave's leaders are determined to pretend that there are no risks to their approach.

Christmas is some way off, but Theresa May could be forgiven for feeling like Ebenezer Scrooge. Another Ghost of Prime Ministers Past in the shape of John Major is back in the headlines with a major speech on Brexit.

He struck most of the same notes that Tony Blair did in his speech a fortnight ago. Brexit is a blunder, a "historic mistake" in Major's view. The union between England and Scotland is under threat as is the peace in Northern Ireland. It's not unpatriotic for the defeated side in an electoral contest to continue to hold to those beliefs after a loss. And our present trajectory is a hard Brexit that will leave many of us poorer and wreck the British social model.

But, as with Blair, he rules out any question that the referendum outcome should not be honoured, though, unlike Blair, he has yet to firmly state that pro-Europeans should continue to advocate for a return to the EU if we change our minds. He had a note of warning for the PM: that the Brexit talks need "a little more charm and a lot less cheap rhetoric" and that the expectations she is setting are "unreal and over-optimistic".

On that last point in particular, he makes a point that many politicians make privately but few have aired in public. It may be that we will, as Theresa May says, have the best Brexit. France may in fact pay for it. But what if they don't? What if we get a good deal but immigration doesn't fall? Who'll be blamed for that? Certainly we are less likely to get a good deal while the government passes up pain-free opportunities to secure goodwill from our European partners.

As with Blair, the reaction says more about British politics after Brexit than the speech itself. Jacob Rees-Mogg described it as "a craven and defeated speech of a bitter man". Iain Duncan Smith, too, thinks that it was "strangely bitter".

There is much to worry about as Britain leaves the European Union but the most corrosive and dangerous trend of all is that section of the Leave elite which requires not only that we implement Brexit but that we all pretend that there are no risks, no doubts and that none of us voted to Remain on 23 June. That Blair and Major's speeches - "You voted for it, so we'll do it, but it's a mistake" - are seen as brave and controversial rather than banal and commonplace statements of political practice in a democracy are more worrying than anything that might happen to the value of the pound.

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.