Five questions answered on the Vodafone/Kabel offer

£6.6bn on the table.

Vodafone has struck up a deal with the board of German cable TV firm, Kabel Deutschland, to buy its business. We answer five questions on the deal.

How much is Vodafone offering to Kabel Deutschland?

The British telecoms group is offering Kabel Deutschland 7.7bn euros (£6.6bn; $10bn) to buy the business.

That is 87 euros per share in cash.

What has Kabel Deutschland said in response to this offer?

The company has said it will present the offer to its shareholders.

In a statement the German company said it "adequately reflects both the strategic value of Kabel Deutschland to Vodafone and the company's growth prospects.”

What could the deal do for Vodafone?

The deal marks a change in strategy for the company, which has mostly focused on mobile phone services in Europe. However, if the deal goes through it would give Vodafone access to 32.4m mobile customers, 5m broadband and 7.6m TV customers in Germany.

What has Vodafone said about the deal?

"German consumer and business demand for fast broadband and data services continues to grow substantially as customers increasingly access TV, fixed and mobile broadband services from multiple devices in the home and workplace and on the move," Vodafone chief executive Vittorio Colao said in a statement on Monday.

"The combination of Vodafone Germany and Kabel Deutschland will greatly enhance our offerings in response to those needs."

Has any one else put in a rival bid for Kabel Deutschland? 

Liberty Global, which owns the UK's Virgin Media, had also made a preliminary bid. No details of the bid have been released but analysts have said the bid could be in the region of 7.5bn euros (£6.3bn).

Photograph: Getty Images

Heidi Vella is a features writer for Nridigital.com

How Jim Murphy's mistake cost Labour - and helped make Ruth Davidson

Scottish Labour's former leader's great mistake was to run away from Labour's Scottish referendum, not on it.

The strange revival of Conservative Scotland? Another poll from north of the border, this time from the Times and YouGov, shows the Tories experiencing a revival in Scotland, up to 28 per cent of the vote, enough to net seven extra seats from the SNP.

Adding to the Nationalists’ misery, according to the same poll, they would lose East Dunbartonshire to the Liberal Democrats, reducing their strength in the Commons to a still-formidable 47 seats.

It could be worse than the polls suggest, however. In the elections to the Scottish Parliament last year, parties which backed a No vote in the referendum did better in the first-past-the-post seats than the polls would have suggested – thanks to tactical voting by No voters, who backed whichever party had the best chance of beating the SNP.

The strategic insight of Ruth Davidson, the Conservative leader in Scotland, was to to recast her party as the loudest defender of the Union between Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom. She has absorbed large chunks of that vote from the Liberal Democrats and Labour, but, paradoxically, at the Holyrood elections at least, the “Unionist coalition” she assembled helped those parties even though it cost the vote share.

The big thing to watch is not just where the parties of the Union make gains, but where they successfully form strong second-places against whoever the strongest pro-Union party is.

Davidson’s popularity and eye for a good photo opportunity – which came first is an interesting question – mean that the natural benefactor in most places will likely be the Tories.

But it could have been very different. The first politician to hit successfully upon the “last defender of the Union” routine was Ian Murray, the last Labour MP in Scotland, who squeezed both the  Liberal Democrat and Conservative vote in his seat of Edinburgh South.

His then-leader in Scotland, Jim Murphy, had a different idea. He fought the election in 2015 to the SNP’s left, with the slogan of “Whether you’re Yes, or No, the Tories have got to go”.  There were a couple of problems with that approach, as one  former staffer put it: “Firstly, the SNP weren’t going to put the Tories in, and everyone knew it. Secondly, no-one but us wanted to move on [from the referendum]”.

Then again under different leadership, this time under Kezia Dugdale, Scottish Labour once again fought a campaign explicitly to the left of the SNP, promising to increase taxation to blunt cuts devolved from Westminster, and an agnostic position on the referendum. Dugdale said she’d be open to voting to leave the United Kingdom if Britain left the European Union. Senior Scottish Labour figures flirted with the idea that the party might be neutral in a forthcoming election. Once again, the party tried to move on – but no-one else wanted to move on.

How different things might be if instead of running away from their referendum campaign, Jim Murphy had run towards it in 2015. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.

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