The switch to digital: a headf*ck for the car industry

Radios come attached.

The issue of the great switchover to digital radio is a tricky one to solve for the car industry.

At home, simply buying a new DAB radio, listening through the internet or even through your TV will solve the problem when the analogue signal is switched off, but all of these are a bit more tricky in the car, which is where plenty of the radio listening audience resides.

So it will be a while yet before a timescale is even set out for the turn-off, but it's another factor that should be taken into consideration when speccing new vehicles, as you can guarantee that the issue will be a whole lot higher up the consciousness of used buyers three or four years from now than it is at the moment.

And rather than boosting the used values for vehicles fitted with radios, it seems likely that those without will find their values dropping.

At present, only BMW, Mini and Jaguar offer a digital radio as standard with every model they sell in the UK, with BMW only as of January and having put the price of the cars up to cover the additional kit. Land Rover is also there with the exception of the entry Range Rover Sport, according to the comprehensive data provided to us by Kwik Carcost, and there are a few isolated commendable standard fitments across the range, such as the new Vauxhall Adam and the Zafira Tourer, as well as various Mercedes and VW models, while Ford is also at the forefront of offering the technology.

But worryingly, at this stage nearly a dozen of the biggest business car brands in the UK don't even offer a digital radio as an option on any model in their range. The car industry has some changing to do. And fast.
 

This article first appeared on BusinessCar.

Photograph: Getty Images

Paul Barker is group automotive editor at BusinessCar.co.uk.

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Scottish Labour's defeat to the Tories confirms a political transformation

The defining divide is no longer between left and right but between unionist and nationalist.

It was Scotland where Labour's recovery was supposed to begin. Jeremy Corbyn's allies predicted that his brand of left-wing, anti-austerity politics would dent the SNP's hegemony. After becoming leader, Corbyn pledged that winning north of the border would be one of his greatest priorities. 

But in the first major elections of his leadership, it has proved to be Labour's greatest failure. A result that was long thought unthinkable has come to pass: the Conservatives have finished second (winning 31 seats). For the first time since the 1910 election, Labour has finished third (winning 24). Scottish Labour leader Kezia Dugdale stood on a left-wing platform, outflanking the SNP on tax (pledging to raise the top rate to 50p and increase the basic rate by 1p), promising to spend more on public services and opposing the renewal of Trident. But rather than advancing, the party merely retreated.

Its fate confirms how Scottish politics has been realigned. The defining divide is no longer between left and right but between unionist and nationalist. With the SNP as the only major pro-independence party, the Tories, led by the pugnacious Ruth Davidson, framed themselves as the pro-UK alternative - and prospered. In contrast, Dugdale refused to rule out supporting a second referendum and suggested that MPs and MSPs would be free to campaign for secession. The result was that Scottish Labour was left looking dangerously irrelevant. "Identity politics. Labour doesn't get it," a shadow minister told me. Its socialist pitch counted for little in a country that remains ideologically closer to England than thought. The SNP has lost its majority (denying it a mandate for a second referendum) - an outcome that the electoral system was always designed to make impossible. But its rule remains unthreatened. 

Corbyn's critics will seek to pin the baleful result on him. "We turned left and followed Jeremy's politics in Scotland, which far from solving our problems, pushed us into third," a senior opponent told me. But others will contend that a still more left-wing leader, such as Neil Findlay, is needed. Dugdale is personally supportive of Trident and was critical of Corbyn before his election. Should she be displaced, the party will be forced to elect its sixth leader in less than five years. But no one is so short-sighted as to believe that one person can revive the party's fortunes. Some Corbyn critics believe that a UK-wide recovery is a precondition of recovery north of the border. At this juncture, they say, SNP defectors would look anew at the party as they contemplate the role that Scottish MPs could play in a Westminster government. But under Corbyn, having become the first opposition to lose local election seats since 1985, it is yet further from power. 

In Scotland, the question now haunting Labour is not merely how it recovers - but whether it ever can. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.