Buffett made a splash, but the biggest Heinz story is yet to come

Reading the beans.

Warren Buffet’s Berkshire Hathaway and Brazilian billionaire Jorge Paulo Lemann have teamed up to buy Heinz for $28 m — making this the fourth largest food and beverage acquisition of all time.

As if this wasn’t enough to excite the M&A markets, Buffet has been dropping not-so-subtle hints that he’s planning some more big moves, telling CNBC that he was “ready for another elephant.” Shares of other food companies rose yesterday in anticipation of more merger activity.

Buffet, the so-called “sage of Omaha”, isn’t known for making bad calls and Heinz has had a good few years, largely on the back of rising sales in Asia, which increased by 15.6 per cent last year.

That said, there’s something peculiar and anachronistic about the enduring success of Heinz’s most famous products. I should mention that beans on toast is my comfort dinner of choice — and yet I find it bizarre that processed beans in gloopy, sugary sauce didn’t follow spam off our shelves to be replaced by new and funky exotic produce like pasta, hummous and avocados.

Not only have baked beans survived the UK’s culinary dark ages to the modern day, but unlike fish fingers and dreaded turkey twizzlers, they aren’t only fed to children too young to know better. According to the Heinz website, 1.5 million cans of Heinz baked beans are sold in the UK every day.

H J Heinz, who founded the company in 1869, bankrupted himself trying to sell horseradish to the American public before he stumbled upon his winning ketchup recipe. Heinz ketchup too has proved remarkably enduring, although our attitude towards it has changed — it was first designed to disguise the taste of rotting food, now it’s simply seen as the natural accompaniment to horse, I mean, beef burgers.

According to Forbes, Heinz’s CEO William Johnson smothers his broccoli in ketchup, which can only illustrate a scary level of commitment to the brand.

The first UK supplier of ketchup was Fortnum and Mason. Today if you were silly enough to head to the Knightsbridge store for ketchup, you’d probably have to make do with some kind of hand-squeezed Sicilian organic sun-blushed plum tomato relish priced its weight in gold. At the same time, the growing trend for posh burgers and a confused nostalgia for American-style diners (think of hip London joints like Dirty Burger, Burger & Lobster, Meat Liquor etc) means that Heinz is enjoying something of a revival among foodies too.

Not all of this is down to chance. Like Coco-Cola (also owned by Buffet) the recipe for ketchup varies according to each country’s palate — in the Philippines it contains banana. The company’s plans to expand in Asia and South America — its aiming to double sales to emerging markets in five years — was preceded by strategic acquisitions such as Food Star, a Chinese soy sauce manufacturer in 2010, and Brazilian tomato sauce maker Quero.

It will be interesting to see how the impressively adaptable brand weathers the transition back to private company and its global expansion — will Johnson be kept on as CEO? How hard will Buffet and Lemann seek to squeeze Heinz to cut costs? (Lemann has form here) How much will Heinz be affected by rising commodity prices? Will an ever-more global Heinz outgrow its Pittsburgh roots? And — most important for us here in the UK — are the 2,700 jobs at Heinz’s Wigan branch safe? Buffet’s takeover has made a big splash, but one senses there are bigger Heinz stories to come.

Sophie McBain writes for Spear's magazine.

Photograph: Getty Images

Sophie McBain is a freelance writer based in Cairo. She was previously an assistant editor at the New Statesman.

Photo: Getty
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On the important issues, Louise Casey all too often has little to say

Far from moving the debate on, this new report on integration adds little to the report I commissioned in 2001. 

For 15 years, “numerous government reports on community cohesion and integration have not been implemented with enough force or consistency” concludes Louise Casey’s review of  integration.  The government’s lukewarm response suggests their effort will be as “diluted and muddled” as all the rest.

There’s a deeper reason why governments shy away from the measures that are needed. The report's wealth of data sets out a stark if sometimes contestable picture of a divided society.  But no amount of data can really bring the lives of our fellow citizens to life. As the Brexit vote underlined, this is now a nation divided by class, geography, education, wealth, opportunity and race. Those divisions colour the way we live our lives, the way we see problems in society, the relations we have with others, and our political choices. The report, like many before it, stops short of setting out that reality. It’s easier to pretend that most of us pretty much agree on most things; but just few people don’t agree and they must be the problem. Predictably, much of the early coverage has focussed on the Muslim community and new migrants. If only it were so easy.

According to Casey “in this country, we take poverty, social exclusion, social justice and social mobility seriously” and we do it “across political divides”. Apparently “creating a fair, just society where everyone can prosper and get on” is a cornerstone of British values. Yet for page after page the report chronicles the serial failure of this benign consensus to tackle educational under-performance, and economic and racial disadvantage. If we all agree, how come we haven't done anything about it?

These problems are not certainly easy to solve, but more lip service is paid to tackling them than effort. The practical material issues documented here need addressing, but punches are pulled when hard answers are needed. Given the dramatic impact of mass migration on cohesion, is integration possible while current rates of immigration persist? Can we find the political will to tackle poverty and disadvantage when those who might benefit from the effort are divided against each other by suspicion, race, geography and values? After all, rather than progressive policies producing a cohesive society, social unity is the precondition for the introduction of progressive policies.

We don't actually actually agree on what our “fundamental values” mean in practice. We can all sign up to democracy and the rule of law, but as soon as those are put into practice – see the court case on Article 50 – we are divided. When judges are popularly seen as “enemies of the people” and a vote in an elected parliament as a threat to democracy, in what sense are law and democracy fundamental?

Casey usefully highlights how treating homeless families equally, irrespective of ethnicity and length of residence can create the perception that minorities are being favoured over long standing residents. Our differing views on what is “just” and how “fairness” are defined can tear us apart. Is it fair to favour the newcomer over the indigenous? Is it just to put length of time on the waiting list above housing need? We often don't even acknowledge the legitimacy of other points of view, let alone try to find common ground.

The continual invocation of Britain and British values lends an air of unreality to the report.  Most people in England include British in their identity, but Englishness and English interests are of growing importance. In a worrying development, some areas of England  may be polarising between a white Englishness and an ethnic minority Britishness. Integration won't happen without a shared national story that combines a unifying national identity with the acceptance that we all have more than one identity that matters to us. Ignoring the reality of complex and multiple identities closes off one essential way forward.

None of this means that the criticism of some reactionary and occasionally dangerous ideas and practices in the Muslim community should be ignored and not confronted. But in a country where the established church opposes homosexual relationships and praise for Vladimir Putin's Russia is now mainstream politics it is hard to believe that all our problems can be reduced to the behaviour of a minority of a minority community.

John Denham was a Labour MP from 1992 to 2015, and a Secretary of State 2007 to 2010. He is Director of the Centre for English Identity and Politics at Winchester University