Five questions answered on the wholesale gas price fixing allegations

Regulators are investigating claims wholesale gas prices have been manipulated by major gas companies. We answer five questions on the gas pricing fiasco.

What exactly are the allegations being made? 

Major energy companies are being accused of manipulating the wholesale price of gas in the same way banks have manipulated libor. 

Energy companies buy gas at wholesale price then sell it onto to homes and businesses. On the 26 September gas companies are alleged to have made unrealistic bids at a time when data was being collected to set the wholesale price, they area alleged to have done this in order to suit their own situation rather than making a realistic bid.

Who discovered this alleged price-fixing? 

The whistle was blown by Seth Freedman, who worked at ICIS Heren, a financial information company that publishes energy price reports.

The Guardian report that Freeman flagged up a set of suspiciously low trades he believed were designed to depress ICIS Heron’s ‘day ahead’ price on the 28th September. One trader told Freeman in regards to the range of prices quoted on the 28th September:

There's a feeling among some people that somebody's taking the piss a bit on the day-ahead index.

ICIS Heren also told the BBC it had:

Detected some unusual trading activity on the British wholesale gas market on 28 September 2012, which it reported to energy regulator Ofgem in October.

Does wholesale price manipulation affect consumer prices?

Not directly as the price is being manipulated to be lowered. Wholesale gas price makes up an average of 45 per cent of consumers bills so lowering it shouldn’t affect bills. However, it is still a damaging discovery as Freeman has explained: 

There's certainly a link. They [the power companies] are telling you: Look, in order to make our profits and cover our costs and so on, we have to give a price to retail customers which reflects the cost to us.

But if you can't trust the market at a wholesale level, it becomes a crisis of confidence. People at retail level are just thinking, "I don't trust these companies" - and it needs to be scrutinised.

What has been the response of energy providers?

The big six energy providers have all released statements denying the claims. However, some of these ‘big six’ are currently being investigated by the Financial Services Authority and Ofgem. 

What has government said?

Energy Secretary Ed Davey will make a statement in the House of Commons today, but he has already said he is extremely concerned about the allegations. 

The Treasury Secretary, Greg Clark, spoke of the seriousness of the allegations to the BBC, saying:

Any scintilla of doubt that the participants cannot be trusted has a tremendously important effect.

I think it's very straightforward. When someone breaks the law, they should be punished, and when it's as serious as this, they should be punished very severely. And it's as true for stealing through financial manipulation as it is, frankly, for breaking and entering.

Photograph: Getty Images

Heidi Vella is a features writer for

Photo: Getty Images
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The buck doesn't stop with Grant Shapps - and probably shouldn't stop with Lord Feldman, either

The question of "who knew what, and when?" shouldn't stop with the Conservative peer.

If Grant Shapps’ enforced resignation as a minister was intended to draw a line under the Mark Clarke affair, it has had the reverse effect. Attention is now shifting to Lord Feldman, who was joint chair during Shapps’  tenure at the top of CCHQ.  It is not just the allegations of sexual harrassment, bullying, and extortion against Mark Clarke, but the question of who knew what, and when.

Although Shapps’ resignation letter says that “the buck” stops with him, his allies are privately furious at his de facto sacking, and they are pointing the finger at Feldman. They point out that not only was Feldman the senior partner on paper, but when the rewards for the unexpected election victory were handed out, it was Feldman who was held up as the key man, while Shapps was given what they see as a relatively lowly position in the Department for International Development.  Yet Feldman is still in post while Shapps was effectively forced out by David Cameron. Once again, says one, “the PM’s mates are protected, the rest of us shafted”.

As Simon Walters reports in this morning’s Mail on Sunday, the focus is turning onto Feldman, while Paul Goodman, the editor of the influential grassroots website ConservativeHome has piled further pressure on the peer by calling for him to go.

But even Feldman’s resignation is unlikely to be the end of the matter. Although the scope of the allegations against Clarke were unknown to many, questions about his behaviour were widespread, and fears about the conduct of elections in the party’s youth wing are also longstanding. Shortly after the 2010 election, Conservative student activists told me they’d cheered when Sadiq Khan defeated Clarke in Tooting, while a group of Conservative staffers were said to be part of the “Six per cent club” – they wanted a swing big enough for a Tory majority, but too small for Clarke to win his seat. The viciousness of Conservative Future’s internal elections is sufficiently well-known, meanwhile, to be a repeated refrain among defenders of the notoriously opaque democratic process in Labour Students, with supporters of a one member one vote system asked if they would risk elections as vicious as those in their Tory equivalent.

Just as it seems unlikely that Feldman remained ignorant of allegations against Clarke if Shapps knew, it feels untenable to argue that Clarke’s defeat could be cheered by both student Conservatives and Tory staffers and the unpleasantness of the party’s internal election sufficiently well-known by its opponents, without coming across the desk of Conservative politicians above even the chair of CCHQ’s paygrade.

Stephen Bush is editor of the Staggers, the New Statesman’s political blog.