Five questions answered… on Royal Bank of Scotland’s PPI provisions

The cost of PPI mis-selling continues to rise.

RBS has set aside even more money to cover the cost of compensation claims for mis-sold PPI. We answer five questions on RBS’s PPI payouts.

How much more has RBS put aside to cover PPI mis-selling claims?

RBS has announced it will be setting aside a further £400m to cover future anticipated PPI compensation claims. 

It has also set aside another £50m to cover the cost of compensation from a recent computer systems failure which affected customers earlier in the year.

How much has the bank spent on PPI mis-selling claims already?

Including this latest fund, a staggering £1.7bn

What about other banks?  

In total, and including any latest provisions, the PPI scandal has cost UK banks £10.8bn. 

Lloyds banking group has also announced it has put aside a further £1bn of provisions to cover claims. 

What is RBS current financial position?

RBS, which is 80 per cent owned by the UK government, has reported a pre-tax loss of £1.26bn for the three months to 30 September, against a £2bn profit a year earlier. 

The bank is also bracing itself over possible steep penalties for any involvement it might of had in alleged manipulation of the Libor inter-bank lending rate. Barclays was recently fined £290 million for attempting to manipulate libor. 

Another big hit for the bank is a £1.5bn charge against its own debt due to an accounting rule that requires it to take a loss on increases in the value of its bonds. 

RBS's operating profits for the third quarter were £1bn, up from a £650m profit in the second quarter. However these figures discount the PPI mis-selling and other charges. 

What has RBS said?

Chief Executive of RBS, Stephen Hester, told the BBC: 

"The extraordinary challenges which RBS faced following the financial crisis are being worked through successfully"

"The five year restructuring plan is now in its later stages with important work still to do, including an emphasis on dealing with reputational issues now that the bank's safety and soundness has advanced so well."

Adding that the bank is too often was looked upon as putting the short-term interests of shareholders and staff above customers. 

Photograph: Getty Images

Heidi Vella is a features writer for Nridigital.com

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Voters are turning against Brexit but the Lib Dems aren't benefiting

Labour's pro-Brexit stance is not preventing it from winning the support of Remainers. Will that change?

More than a year after the UK voted for Brexit, there has been little sign of buyer's remorse. The public, including around a third of Remainers, are largely of the view that the government should "get on with it".

But as real wages are squeezed (owing to the Brexit-linked inflationary spike) there are tentative signs that the mood is changing. In the event of a second referendum, an Opinium/Observer poll found, 47 per cent would vote Remain, compared to 44 per cent for Leave. Support for a repeat vote is also increasing. Forty one per cent of the public now favour a second referendum (with 48 per cent opposed), compared to 33 per cent last December. 

The Liberal Democrats have made halting Brexit their raison d'être. But as public opinion turns, there is no sign they are benefiting. Since the election, Vince Cable's party has yet to exceed single figures in the polls, scoring a lowly 6 per cent in the Opinium survey (down from 7.4 per cent at the election). 

What accounts for this disparity? After their near-extinction in 2015, the Lib Dems remain either toxic or irrelevant to many voters. Labour, by contrast, despite its pro-Brexit stance, has hoovered up Remainers (55 per cent back Jeremy Corbyn's party). 

In some cases, this reflects voters' other priorities. Remainers are prepared to support Labour on account of the party's stances on austerity, housing and education. Corbyn, meanwhile, is a eurosceptic whose internationalism and pro-migration reputation endear him to EU supporters. Other Remainers rewarded Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, rebelling against the leadership's stance. 

But the trend also partly reflects ignorance. By saying little on the subject of Brexit, Corbyn and Labour allowed Remainers to assume the best. Though there is little evidence that voters will abandon Corbyn over his EU stance, the potential exists.

For this reason, the proposal of a new party will continue to recur. By challenging Labour over Brexit, without the toxicity of Lib Dems, it would sharpen the choice before voters. Though it would not win an election, a new party could force Corbyn to soften his stance on Brexit or to offer a second referendum (mirroring Ukip's effect on the Conservatives).

The greatest problem for the project is that it lacks support where it counts: among MPs. For reasons of tribalism and strategy, there is no emergent "Gang of Four" ready to helm a new party. In the absence of a new convulsion, the UK may turn against Brexit without the anti-Brexiteers benefiting. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.