Even the Titanic swerved

A former Lehman vice-president, remembers what it was like to be on Wall Street in the last, chaotic

We all knew it was coming. Most of us had known for a week, but that did not lessen the shock of the news that Lehman Brothers was no more. In the small hours of Monday 15 September, Richard S Fuld, our isolated and obdurate chairman, had filed for bankruptcy, ending 158 years of Wall Street for what was, arguably, the finest merchant bank in US history.

The shock reverberated among the 26,000 employees of Lehman, but when I use the word "we", I refer only to the men and women who strove for more than two and a half years to save the bank from the follies of the 31st floor, where King Fuld and his cohorts had resolutely steered Lehman head-on into an iceberg. It was pathetic, really. Even the Titanic swerved.

The most important players were Mike Gelband, managing director and global head of fixed income; Alex Kirk, managing director and global head of high-yield and leveraged loans; and my immediate boss and best friend, Larry McCarthy, managing director and global head of distressed bond trading. Then there was Richard Gatward, managing director and global head of convertible securities trading; Christine Daley, managing director and head of distressed debt research; Madelyn Antoncic, managing director and chief risk officer; and myself.

Most of these brave leaders implored the chairman, and our president Joe Gregory, to change course. In the end every one of us was fired, sidelined, moved away from the action or somehow got rid of. We didn't know it at the time, but we were watching the death throes of Lehman Brothers, as one by one the greatest financiers in the building went.

Throughout the long weekend before the collapse, all of us, now on the outside, were taking blow-by-blow calls as Fuld and his cronies struggled to persuade the government to save them. Monday 15 September started for us at about 5am, and my mobile never stopped ringing. Three times I had to charge the battery. Over and over we rang each other, unable to believe what had happened, that Lehman Brothers was gone. I just remember there was so much to say, and so much that would never be said.

We who had made the bank's fortune mostly sat alone in our apartments, dumbfounded by the news channels, watching our world crash around our ears. Nothing else seemed to matter. No other stories were even being covered. On every channel the bank we loved was being shown, surrounded by journalists and engulfed by a sorrow that none of them understood.

I remember there was a threat of rain in the morning - even the skies seemed to weep for Lehman Brothers - but as if to convince myself that it really had happened, I left my apartment and walked the six blocks to the old office at 745 Seventh Avenue. I pushed my way through the journalists, my mobile pressed to my ear, talking to my old boss Larry McCarthy. And I stood outside and stared up at the fourth floor - the trading floor of the great bank - where we had battled away for almost four years, shoulder to shoulder. I think I smiled to myself. For the good times.

But then I looked up to the 31st floor, where all the damage was done. And I'm not ashamed to say that my eyes welled up at the sheer stupidity of it. I walked away for the last time, the shouts of reporters ringing in my ears. "Did you work at Lehman Brothers?" "What are you feeling now?" "What's the mood like among the staff?" "Who do you blame for this?" "What are you going to do next?" I was appalled by their sense of entitlement, soundbites as the collapse of Lehman Brothers heralded the crash of the world economy. And they wondered what the bloody mood was like.

On the anniversary of that dark day, much of the financial carnage remains - the sub-prime crisis that caused it, the commercial real-estate crash that worsened it, still a billion acres of concrete unsold, unsellable, held together by government cash and promises. Great buildings remain half empty. The dust is clearing, but only slowly.

And yet I cannot avoid the feeling that even if we have not yet reached the sunlit uplands of prosperity, we are at least climbing the hill and no one is out of breath. Lehman Brothers has been largely absorbed by Barclays, though the $660bn debt may take years to unwind. My little team of people who could have saved Lehman has dispersed to smaller, more manageable and certainly more careful financial institutions. I have been given a position in a new and very conservative financial organisation. By nature, I am sometimes a bear, and I have remained sceptical about the latest bull market during which the Dow Jones Industrial Average has surged by 3,000 points. But I am optimistic that the world will recover as quickly as many are hoping.

The Lehman collapse cost me much of my savings - seven figures - but I intend to get it back. My former colleagues and I are still on the line to one another, just like the old days, still swapping information, and warnings, trying to be helpful. Just a group of old comrades who once fought together.

The 15th of September will always be a date in infamy. I try to persuade myself that the bank collapse is behind me. But it never will be, and I expect I'll stroll round to the old building some time during the day and glance up again. Just for the good times' sake.

Lawrence G McDonald is the author, with Patrick Robinson, of "A Colossal Failure of Common Sense: the Incredible Inside Story of the Collapse of Lehman Brothers", published by Ebury Press (£7.99)
www.lawrencegmcdonald.com

This article first appeared in the 14 September 2009 issue of the New Statesman, Where next?

Ralph Steadman for the New Statesman.
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Tim Farron: Theresa May is "the prisoner of the Ukip wing of her party"

The Liberal Democrat leader on his faith, Blairism and his plan to replace Labour as the opposition. 

This is Tim Farron’s seventh general election. His first was in 1992, when his Tory opponent was a 36-year-old called Ther­esa May. He was just 21 and they were both unsuccessful candidates in the Labour fortress of North-West Durham. He recalls talking “to a bunch of ex-miners who weren’t best pleased to see either of us, some kid Liberal and some Tory”. Now he sees his former and current opponent as “the prisoner of the Ukip wing of her party . . . I think it has rendered Ukip almost pointless – she is Ukip now.”

May was elected to parliament in 1997, but it took Farron until 2005 to join her. She leads the dominant Conservatives while he heads a party of only nine Liberal Democrat MPs. Still, their reversal of fortunes gives him hope. “After the 1992 election, every­one said there’s no way for a non-Tory government, and it turned out there was. So let’s not assume it’s a given there’s a Tory government [for ever].”

In April, I accompanied Farron to Manchester Gorton, in the lead-up to a by-election that was cancelled by May’s decision to call a snap election on 8 June. Still, the 46-year-old’s party has been in campaign mode for months; Lib Dems spoke of using last December’s Richmond Park by-election to test their messaging. It clearly had an effect: the incumbent Conservative, Zac Goldsmith, lost to their candidate, Sarah Olney.

Brexit, to which the Liberal Democrats are vehemently opposed, will be a dominant theme of the election. Their party membership has just exceeded 100,000, close to an all-time high, and they have enjoyed much success in council by-elections, with more to come in the local elections of 4 May.

However, any feel-good factor swiftly evaporated when Farron appeared on Channel 4 News on 18 April. He was asked by the co-presenter Cathy Newman whether or not he believes that homosexuality is a sin, a question that he answered obliquely in 2015 by saying that Christianity started with acknowledging that “we’re all sinners”.

This time, he told Newman, he was “not in the position to make theological announcements over the next six weeks . . . as a Liberal, I’m passionate about equality”.

The Channel 4 interview divided opinion. One Liberal politician told me that Farron’s stance was “completely intolerable”. Stephen Pollard, the influential editor of the Jewish Chronicle, described it as
“a very liberal position: he holds certain personal views but does not wish to legislate around them”. Jennie Rigg, the acting chair of LGBT+ Liberal Democrats, said it was “as plain as the nose on my face that Tim Farron is no homophobe”.

Farron declined the chance to clarify his views with us in a follow-up phone call, but told the BBC on 25 April: “I don’t believe that gay sex is a sin,” adding, “On reflection, it makes sense to actually answer this direct question since it’s become an issue.”

For his critics, Farron’s faith and politics are intertwined. He sees it differently, as he told Christian Today in 2015: “. . . the danger is sometimes that as a Christian in politics you think your job is to impose your morality on other people. It absolutely isn’t.”

Tim Farron joined the then Liberal Party at the age of 16 but didn’t become a Christian until he was 18. Between completing his A-levels in Lancashire and going to Newcastle University to read politics, he read the apologetics, a body of Christian writing that provides reasoned arguments for the gospel story. “I came to the conclusion that it was true,” he told me. “It wasn’t just a feel-good story.”

In speeches, Farron now takes on the mannerisms of a preacher, but he had a largely non-religious upbringing in Preston, Lancashire. “I don’t think I’d been to church once other than Christmas or the odd wedding,” he says. “I went once with my dad when I was 11, for all the good that did me.”

When we meet, it is Theresa May’s religion that is in the spotlight. She has condemned the National Trust for scrubbing the word “Easter” from its Easter egg hunt, a row it later emerged had been largely invented by the right-wing press in response to a press release from a religious-themed chocolate company.

“It’s worth observing there’s no mention of chocolate or bunny rabbits in the Bible,” Farron reminds me. “When people get cross about, in inverted commas, ‘us losing our Christian heritage’ they mean things which are safe and comfortable and nostalgic.” He pauses. “But the Christian message at Easter is shocking, actually, and very radical.”

British politics is tolerant of atheists (such as Ed Miliband and Nick Clegg) alongside those who, like David Cameron, are culturally Christian but whose faith is “a bit like the reception for Magic FM in the Chilterns: it sort of comes and goes”. But the reaction to Farron’s equivocation on homosexuality prompted many to wonder if a politician who talks openly about his faith is now seen as alarming. Nebulous wishes of peace and love at Christmas, yes; sincere discussions of the literal truth of the Resurrection? Hmm.

Tim Farron’s beliefs matter because he has a mission: to replace not only Jeremy Corbyn as leader of the opposition but Theresa May in Downing Street. Over lassis at the MyLahore curry house in Manchester, he tells me that Britain is facing two calamities. “One is Brexit, indeed hard Brexit . . . and the other is a Tory government for 25 years. We have to present a genuine, progressive alternative that can not only replace Labour as an opposition, it can replace the Tories as a government.” This is ambitious talk for a party with nine MPs. “I understand the ridicule that will be thrown at me for saying those things: but if you don’t want to run the country, why are you in politics?” He pauses. “That’s a question I would ask most people leading the Labour Party at present.”

What does he think of May, his one-time opponent in North-West Durham? “She strikes me as being very professional, very straightforward, somebody who is very conservative in every sense of the word, in her thought processes, her politics, in her style.” He recalls her 2002 conference speech in which she warned Tory activists: “Our base is too narrow and so, occasionally, are our sympathies. You know what some people call us: the nasty party.”

“In many ways, she was the trailblazer for Cameron in being a softer-focused Tory,” he says. “It now looks like she’s been trapped by the very people she was berating as the nasty party all those years ago. I like to think that isn’t really her. But that means she isn’t really in control of the Conservative Party.”

Voters, however, seem to disagree. In recent polls, support for the Conservatives has hovered between 40 and 50 per cent. Isn’t a progressive alliance the only way to stop her: Labour, the Liberal Democrats, the Greens, the SNP and Plaid Cymru all working together to beat the Tories?

“Let’s be really blunt,” he says. “Had Jeremy Corbyn stood down for us in Richmond Park [where Labour stood Christian Wolmar], we would not have won. I could have written Zac Goldsmith’s leaflets for you: Corbyn-backed Liberal Democrats.

“I’m a pluralist,” he adds. “But any progressive alliance has got to be at least equal to the sum of its parts. At the moment, it would be less than the sum of its parts. The only way the Tories are losing their majority is us gaining seats in Hazel Grove –” he ticks them off with his fingers, “– in Cheadle, in the West Country and west London. There’s no chance of us gaining those seats if we have a kind of arrangement with the current Labour Party in its current form.”

What about the SNP? “Most sensible people would look at that SNP manifesto and agree with 99 per cent of it,” Farron says. “But it’s that one thing: they want to wreck the country! How can you do a deal with people who want to wreck the country?”

There’s no other alternative, he says. Someone needs to step up and offer “something that can appeal to progressive younger voters, pro-Europeans and, you know, moderate-thinking Middle England”. He wants to champion a market economy, strong public services, action on climate change, internationalism and free trade.

That sounds like Blairism. “I’m a liberal, and I don’t think Blair was a liberal,” he replies. “But I admire Blair because he was somebody who was able to win elections . . . Iraq aside, my criticisms of Blair are what he didn’t do, rather than what he did do.”

Turning around the Tory tide – let alone with just nine MPs, and from third place – is one hell of a job. But Farron takes heart from the Liberal Party in Canada, where Justin Trudeau did just that. “I’m not Trudeau,” he concedes, “He was better-looking, and his dad was prime minister.”

There is a reason for his optimism. “I use the analogy of being in a maze,” he says, “You can’t see a way out of it, for a progressive party to form a majority against the Tories. But in every maze, there is a way out. We just haven’t found it yet.” 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.

This article first appeared in the 27 April 2017 issue of the New Statesman, Cool Britannia 20 Years On

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