The BBC is still the most trusted media organisation

But trust in the corporation has nearly halved since 2003.

The latest YouGov poll on trust in major institutions gives the BBC cause for both optimism and pessimism. The good news for the corporation is that its news journalists are still more trusted than those of any other organisation. While 44 per cent of the public trust BBC journalists to "tell the truth", just 18 per cent say the same of journalists on mid-market newspapers and 10 per cent the same of journalists on tabloid newspapers (those titles that have so gleefully attacked the BBC in the last week).

Against this, however, must be weighed the fact that trust in the BBC has declined significantly since 2003. Before the Hutton Report, trust in the corporation stood at 81 per cent. It has since fallen by 37 points and by 13 points in the last fortnight (although some of the latter fall may prove temporary). For the first time since YouGov began tracking public trust in British institutions, more people distrust BBC journalists (47 per cent) than trust them (44 per cent).

Yet as the table below shows, there is no institution that has not experienced a decline in trust over the last five years. The Conservatives have seen the smallest fall in trust since 2003 (from 21 per cent to 20 per cent), although they are down by 10 points since reaching a peak of 29 per cent in August 2010. Also notable is the large, if unsurprising, decline in trust in the Liberal Democrats. Trust in the party's leading politicians has fallen by 20 points since the pre-coalition days of 2003. On this issue, the media and the politicians are all in it together.

An employee walks inside BBC headquarters at New Broadcasting House. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Richmond is a wake-up call for Labour's Brexit strategy

No one made Labour stand in Richmond Park. 

Oh, Labour Party. There was a way through.

No one made you stand in Richmond Park. You could have "struck a blow against the government", you could have shared the Lib Dem success. Instead, you lost both your dignity and your deposit. And to cap it all (Christian Wolmar, take a bow) you self-nominated for a Nobel Prize for Mansplaining.

It’s like the party strategist is locked in the bowels of HQ, endlessly looping in reverse Olivia Newton John’s "Making a Good Thing Better".

And no one can think that today marks the end of the party’s problems on Brexit.

But the thing is: there’s no need to Labour on. You can fix it.

Set the government some tests. Table some amendments: “The government shall negotiate having regard to…”

  • What would be good for our economy (boost investment, trade and jobs).
  • What would enhance fairness (help individuals and communities who have missed out over the last decades).
  • What would deliver sovereignty (magnify our democratic control over our destiny).
  • What would improve finances (what Brexit makes us better off, individually and collectively). 

And say that, if the government does not meet those tests, the Labour party will not support the Article 50 deal. You’ll take some pain today – but no matter, the general election is not for years. And if the tests are well crafted they will be easy to defend.

Then wait for the negotiations to conclude. If in 2019, Boris Johnson returns bearing cake for all, if the tests are achieved, Labour will, and rightly, support the government’s Brexit deal. There will be no second referendum. And MPs in Leave voting constituencies will bear no Brexit penalty at the polls.

But if he returns with thin gruel? If the economy has tanked, if inflation is rising and living standards have slumped, and the deficit has ballooned – what then? The only winners will be door manufacturers. Across the country they will be hard at work replacing those kicked down at constituency offices by voters demanding a fix. Labour will be joined in rejecting the deal from all across the floor: Labour will have shown the way.

Because the party reads the electorate today as wanting Brexit, it concludes it must deliver it. But, even for those who think a politician’s job is to channel the electorate, this thinking discloses an error in logic. The task is not to read the political dynamic of today. It is to position itself for the dynamic when it matters - at the next general election

And by setting some economic tests for a good Brexit, Labour can buy an option on that for free.

An earlier version of this argument appeared on Jolyon Maugham's blog Waiting For Tax.

Jolyon Maugham is a barrister who advised Ed Miliband on tax policy. He blogs at Waiting for Tax, and writes for the NS on tax and legal issues.