Campaign 2010: the Making of the Prime Minister

David Cameron began this year's general election campaign with an unprecedented financial advantage, an unusually united Tory party and a largely compliant media. Yet he ended it 20 seats short of a Commons majority and was forced to enter government with the man he once described as his favourite joke: Nick Clegg.

Campaign 2010: the Making of the Prime Minister promises to tell the tale of this reversal of fortune, but the book ends up devoting just 147 of its pages to the campaign. Rather than offering an inside account of the election, Nicholas Jones spends much of his time summarising some of the main political events of the past five years: Cameron's no-notes speech to the 2005 Tory conference, the phantom election of 2007, Rupert Murdoch's defection to the Conservatives, the MPs' expenses scandal.

Expecting to be plunged into the CCHQ war room, one finds instead a lengthy account of Cameron's early years as a special adviser to Norman Lamont and Michael Howard. Not all of this is without merit and Cameron's induction into the "dark arts of media manipulation" does much to explain his later attraction to Andy Coulson. But it is an underwhelming opening for a book that promises to chart the "countdown to the coalition".

The lesson of the 2010 election was that a superficially reformed Conservative Party could not hope to win a majority in the House of Commons. But while Cameron's Tories may be no less right-wing on tax, immigration and Europe, they have had a highly effective facelift. It was the expenses scandal, as Jones correctly notes, that provided Cameron with the opportunity for "a dramatic cull of Tory old-timers". Had it not been for the likes of Douglas Hogg with his moat, Peter Viggers with his duck island and Anthony Steen with his "very, very large house", he would never have had a chance to purge the party of bed-blockers.

If there is a central flaw in the book it is that Jones, a former BBC political correspondent, refuses to pass judgement on any of this. He dwells at tedious length on Gordon Brown's encounter with Gillian Duffy, but fails to mention his speech to Citizens UK on 3 May, the last, eloquent cry of a mortally wounded beast. Elsewhere, one longs for him to point out the bare-faced cheek of Cameron, who ran absurd election broadcasts against the "hung parliament party", but later hailed the coalition agreement as the apotheosis of "the new politics".

Cameron's good fortune is that the coalition has enabled him to achieve what he could not do alone and to marginalise the right of his party. Once widely viewed as an alliance of convenience, the coalition is now recognisably a vehicle to realign British politics. However, Jones has little to say about the long-term implications of this or about how, as Charles Kennedy put it, the agreement drove a "strategic coach and horses" through the long-nurtured realignment of the centre left.

Jones's account of Cameron's first month as Prime Minister ends on an oddly hagiographic note. Discussing his response to the findings of the Bloody Sunday inquiry, Jones claims that Cameron "effortlessly . . . assumed the mantle of a One-Nation Tory". Cameron's statement on the inquiry was an impressive act of catharsis, but there is no sign of him evolving into the One-Nation Conservative he once promised to become. The regressive nature of the coalition's first Budget put paid to any hope of that.

Meanwhile, the Tory inquest into the party's failure to win a majority continues, with grandees, including Michael Ashcroft, prom­ising their own book-length assessments of the chaotic campaign. Others, most notably Andrew Adonis, are competing to write the definitive account of the post-election negotiations. It is from these, rather than Campaign 2010, that our understanding of those feverish days is likely to be enhanced.

Campaign 2010: the Making of the Prime Minister
Nicholas Jones
Biteback, 394pp, £9.99

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

This article first appeared in the 16 August 2010 issue of the New Statesman, The war against science

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What's to be done about racial inequality?

David Cameron's words on equal opportunities are to be welcomed - now for some action, says Sunder Katwala.

David Cameron made the strongest, clearest and most high profile statement about ethnic inequalities and the need to tackle discrimination ever yet offered by a British Prime Minister in his leader’s speech to the Conservative Party conference in Manchester.
“Picture this. You’ve graduated with a good degree. You send out your CV far and wide. But you get rejection after rejection. What’s wrong? It’s not the qualifications or the previous experience. It’s just two words at the top: first name, surname. Do you know that in our country today: even if they have exactly the same qualifications, people with white-sounding names are nearly twice as likely to get call backs for jobs than people with ethnic-sounding names? … That, in 21st century Britain, is disgraceful. We can talk all we want about opportunity, but it’s meaningless unless people are really judged equally”, said Cameron.
While the proof of the pudding will be in the eating, this was a powerfully argued Prime Ministerial intervention – and a particularly well-timed one, for three reasons.

Firstly, the Prime Minister was able to root his case in an all-but-universally accepted appeal for equal opportunities. It will always prove more difficult in practice to put political energy and resources behind efforts to remedy discrimination against a minority of the population unless a convincing fairness case is made that values cherished across our whole society are at stake. Cameron’s argument, that any party which tells itself that it is the party of the ‘fair chance’ and ‘the equal shot’ must have a response when there is such clear evidence of discrimination, should prove persuasive to a Conservative Party that has not seen race inequalities as its natural territory. Cameron argued that the same principles should animate responses to discrimination when it comes to race, gender and social class. Put like that, wanting job interviews to be fair – by eradicating conscious and unconscious patterns of bias wherever possible – would strike most Britons as offering as clear a case of the values of fair play as wanting the best baker to win the Great British Bake-Off on television.
Secondly, Cameron’s intervention comes at a potential "tipping point" moment for fair opportunities across ethnic groups. Traditionally, ethnic discrimination has been discussed primarily through the lens of its impact on the most marginalised. Certainly, persistent gaps in the criminal justice system, mental health provision and unemployment rates remain stark for some minority groups. What has been less noticed is the emergence of a much more complex pattern of opportunity and disadvantage – not least as a consequence of significant ethnic minority progress.

Most strikingly of all, in educational outcomes, historic attainment gaps between ethnic minorities and their white British peers have disappeared over the last decade. In the aggregate, ethnic minorities get better GCSE results on average. Ethnic minority Britons are more likely, not less likely, to be university graduates than their fellow citizens. 

As a result of that progress, Cameron’s intervention comes at a moment of significant potential – but significant risk too. Britain’s ethnic minorities are the youngest and fastest-growing sections of British society. If that educational progress translates into economic success, it will make a significant contribution to the "Great British Take-Off" that the Prime Minister envisions. But if that does not happen, with educational convergence combined with current ‘ethnic penalties’ in employment and income persisting, then that potential could well curdle into frustration that the British promise of equal opportunities is not being kept.  Cameron also mirrored his own language in committing himself to both a ‘fight against extremism’ and a ‘fight against discrimination’: while those are distinct challenges and causes, actively pursuing both tracks simultaneously has the potential, at least, depolarise some debates about responses to extremism  - and so to help deepen the broad social coalitions we need for a more cohesive society too.

Thirdly, Cameron’s challenge could mark an important deepening in the political competition between the major parties on race issues. Many have been struck by the increase in political attention on the centre-right to race issues over the last five to ten years. The focus has been on the politics of representation. By increasing the number of non-white Conservative MPs from two to seventeen since 2005, Cameron has sent a powerful signal that Labour’s traditional claim to be ‘the party of ethnic minorities’ would now be contested. Cameron was again able to celebrate in Manchester several ways in which his Cabinet and Parliamentary benches demonstrate many successful journeys of migrant and minority integration in British society. That might perhaps help to ease the fears, about integration being impossible in an era of higher immigration, which the Home Secretary had articulated the previous day.

So symbolism can matter. But facial diversity is not enough. The politics of ethnic minority opportunity needs to be about more than visits to gurdwaras, diversity nights at the party conference fringes and unveiling statues of Mahatma Gandhi in Parliament Square. Jeremy Corbyn’s first speech as Labour leader did include one brief celebratory reference to Britain’s ethnic diversity – “as I travelled the country during the leadership campaign it was wonderful to see the diversity of all the people in our country” – and to Labour bringing in more black, Asian and ethnic minority members - but it did not include any substantial content on discrimination. Tim Farron acknowledged during his leadership campaign that the Liberal Democrats have struggled to get to the starting-line on race and diversity at all. The opposition parties too will no doubt now be challenged to match not just the Prime Minister’s rhetorical commitment to challenging inequalities but also to propose how it could be done in practice.

Non-white Britons expect substance, not just symbolism from all of the parties on race inequalites.  Survation’s large survey of ethnic minority voters for British Future showed the Conservatives winning more ethnic minority support than ever before – but just 29 per cent of non-white respondents were confident that the Conservatives are committed to treating people of every ethnic background equally, while 54 per cent said this of Labour. Respondents were twice as likely to say that the Conservatives needto do more to reach out – and the Prime Minister would seem to be committed to showing that he has got that message.  Moreover, there is evidence that ethnic inclusion could be important in broadening a party’s appeal to other younger, urban and more liberal white voters too – which is why it made sense for this issue to form part of a broader attempt by David Cameron to colonise the broad centre of British politics in his Manchester speech.

But the case for caution is that there has been limited policy attention to ethnic inequalities under the last two governments. Restaurateur Iqbal Wahhab decided to give up his role chairing an ethnic minority taskforce for successive governments, unconvinced there was a political commitment to do much more than convene a talking shop. Lib Dem equalities minister Lynne Featherstone did push the CV discrimination issue – but many Conservatives were sceptical. Cameron’s new commitment may face similar challenges from those whose instinct is to worry that more attention to discrimination or bias in the jobs market will mean more red tape for business.

Labour had a separate race inequalities manifesto in 2015, outside of its main election manifesto, while the Conservative manifesto did not contain significant commitments to racial inequality. The mid-campaign launch in Croydon of a series of race equality pledges showed an increasing awareness of the growing importance of ethnic minority votes - though the fact that they all involved aiming for increases of 20 per cent by 2020 gave them a slightly back-of-the-envelope feel. 

Prime Ministerial commitments have an important agenda-setting function. A generation ago the Stephen Lawrence case opened the eyes of middle England to racist violence and police failures, particularly through the Daily Mail’s persistent challenging of those injustices. A Conservative Prime Minister’s words could similarly make a big difference in the mainstreaming of the issue of inequalities of opportunity. What action should follow words? Between now and next year’s party conference season, that must will now be the test for this Conservative government – and for their political opponents too. 

Sunder Katwala is director of British Future and former general secretary of the Fabian Society.