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The bigger, the better

Mario Pisani

Published 03 January 2008

One Economics, Many Recipes: Globalisation, Institutions and Economic Growth
Dani Rodrik Princeton University Press, 278pp, £19.95

Economists endure a certain professional malaise. The poor record of the dismal science is well documented in popular wisdom, from George Bernard Shaw's cry that all the economists in the world couldn't reach a conclusion, to Harry Truman's wish for a one-handed economist. And in no field of economics is the lack of conclusive advice more noticeable, and regrettable, than in the area of development.

To make this point, Dani Rodrik, professor of international political economy at Harvard University and a leading figure in the debate, invites us early in his book to engage in a thought experiment. Imagine that a Martian visits our planet and tries to square the development record of the past few decades with policy advice given by the international financial institutions and western economists. He would see that many countries which had followed the advice (Latin America) had failed to develop, while others ignored it yet are catching up rapidly (Asia). The visitor would conclude that the advice was wrong. In this collection of essays, covering the recent history of economic growth and challenges of globalisation, Rodrik is almost as scathing as the Martian. But, tellingly, he counters the intuitions of the "globalisers" and the anti-globalisation lobby alike.

The lack of simple answers is reflected in the discussion of economic growth. Rodrik has no doubt that growth is the best tool for reducing poverty: although average incomes have fallen recently in many developing countries, most of these countries' citizens (who in fact live in China and India) are now better off. In the case of China, 400 million people have been taken out of poverty since 1980. Was this achieved by applying standard teachings from economics? Yes and no. Rodrik argues that the theories learned by most economists have been translated over the years into policy prescriptions that are too simplistic.

The recipe to which he refers is often described as the Washington consensus. Its tenets are the usual free-market economic guidelines of trade liberalisation, deregulation, privatisation, tax reform, restraint with public spending and liberalisation of interest rates. Rodrik recognises some valuable high-order economic principles in here: the need for property rights, market-oriented incentives, fiscal solvency and sound money. But these principles can map across to an almost unlimited range of policy prescriptions. That is why the Martian, and most empirical studies, fail to find a link between specific policy recommendations of the Washington consensus and economic growth.

Another reason why the standard theory is so flexible is that "igniting" economic growth is much easier than sustaining growth over time. A range of unorthodox policies has been used to get growth going: Taiwan's export subsidies, Singapore's tax incentives to attract foreign investment, Botswana's high public spending and Chile's state ownership of its copper-exporting industry, to name a few. In Rodrik's mind, the key is not to rely on a proverbial policy silver bullet, but to take local conditions into account in applying a few malleable economic principles.

Sustaining economic growth over time, as Rodrik explains in the second section of the book, requires "sound institutional reform" - the buzz-phrase of the moment in the world of development economics. The expression is used to refer to a set of bodies guaranteeing financial super vision, corporate governance, labour standards, business-government relations, low corruption, social safety nets and monetary and fiscal management. Rodrik admits that while the basic diagnosis is right, the lack of flexibility in applying it, and failure to take into account local norms, have derogated the principle of good institution-building. The international financial institutions are unable to "overcome their bias towards a particular, 'neoliberal' social-economic model - a model that is approximated . . . in the real world by the United States". He cites the example of South Korea, which, brought under IMF conditionality after the crisis of 1997, had its economy and institutions remoulded in the image of a Washington economist's free-market dream.

There is plenty of such detail on the desirability of different institutional arrangements. In one chapter, he considers the role of geography and colonial history in institutional reform. He also looks at the link between democracy and economic outcomes. Finally, Rodrik uses case studies to show how industrial policy (widely considered to be a dirty phrase in policy circles) can be a powerful instrument for development.

Finally, in what is probably the most readable section, Rodrik tackles globalisation. He identifies a three-way tension at the heart of the debate, as "the needs of efficiency, equity and legitimacy cannot all be met". In other words, it is not possible simultaneously to retain nation states, advance international economic integration and deepen the democratic process. To argue that global markets are being inadequately governed by national bodies is not a new proposition, but Rodrik's approach to the problem is novel. In the short term, his preferred solution is to agree an international system that maintains some of the core benefits of globalisation, but tames its suffocating effect on national policy by designing a system of opt-out clauses. He illustrates with a discussion of how such a system would apply at the World Trade Organisation. In the long run, the most likely outcome is the demise of the nation state and the birth of a "global federalism" that will create the supranational institutions needed to manage the globalisation process.

Rodrik's book hits many of the right buttons. He has put together a collection of essays of sufficient breadth to engage both the technical observer and the casual reader. His treatment of the subject will come as a bitter pill to both the anti-globalisation movement and the developmentariat, that international coterie of practitioners and commentators working on development issues.

One Economics, Many Recipes will seem inconclusive to some. But Rodrik does provide an overarching answer: there are many answers.

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4 comments from readers

gnuneo
04 January 2008 at 18:58

sounds interesting.

however actually most development is rather simple - the more people who work own shares in the companies they work in, the quicker a society develops in virtually every regard.

this largely rules out Statism (aka 'socialism'), and it also rules out feudal capitalism (where the labour of the workers is owned by a few, and surplus distributed accordingly).

i do beleive amartya sen made the same point, in 'freedom as development'.

a modern economy is based upon consumption - people spend their incomes buying things and services, which then employs more people, who then also consume. The higher the level of general income (with the zenith being a full capitalist partnership economy, and all workers receiving their equitable share of the companies profits), the faster the cycle of consume, employ, greater consumption, higher employment is achieved.

clearly, this also achieves a far higher and meaningful level of democracy, not only in the workplace, but also in the political society, as general rising levels of wealth (compared to a small group of families with incredible wealth), allow for a democracy to be broad in nature, and less likely to be involved in corruption, or class-based political engineering.

that this *completely* flies in the face of the "washington consensus", that body of religious pseudo-economics, is surely all to the good - it has been pointed out by every economist worthy of respect that in fact the developed economies did exactly the opposite of the "WC" orders, in their own growth pattern.

indeed, where would the US arms companies be without the vast sums handed to them by the US state, or the agri-business 'community'?

no, in fact development IS rather simple, what is difficult is getting that point across to academics who regard democracy as anathema (except in platitudes), and an elite willing to hand over large wads of wonga to any economist who can justify the current set-up.

Carl Jones
04 January 2008 at 23:59

gnuneo....do you write for The Economist? I don`t agree with the first comment. Lets get a few things straight from the start. There is no free market...not even the stockmarket.

When you have all the major investement banks complicit in "insider dealing"....yes, I`m talking about the "PPT". Also known as the "Plunge Protection Team" who stick their big wooden spoon into the financial cogs everytime things done go their way.

The average American/Brit is much worse off than he was 20 years ago. I have felt less well off for the last 15 years. The only ideots who feel better off are those who have remortgaged and remortgaged, or have speculated in the housing market....for every housing winner, there are many more losers, not to mention future generations....40+% are excluded from from buying their own home....WE NEED AS MUGABE in Brition....someone who will free the masses from land slavery....even the Newstatesman carried a leader advocating land reform. Our country has been flooded with immigrants, yet Britian is the least productive n ation in the developed world and now we hear that over the last year 100,000 Brits have been thrown out of employment by immigrants.

Economists hardly ever reach a consensus because they rely on known information. How on earth do you expect to reach the right economic location when the elite are using their dark forces unseen hands?

Subprime is an establisment mechanism to wreck the economy.....this isn`t a wreck to them...it is for us mortals, but for them it is claw back time, for them it is an opportunity.

It is amazing that the public funds the military industrial complex and big pharma without fault. Yet Gordon Brown is bringing in a policy of access to healthcare which will see a huge section of the UK population excluded....this being a fastrack to US healthcare standards.

Oil hits $100. Some say itv will soon hit $150, maybe $200. This will lead to falls in food production....shortages and even rationing.

You concerned readers must come to terms with this NWO construct; the war on terror, global warming, higher energy costs, a failing global economy on the back of staggering US/UK debt, illegal millitary action in Iraq and Afghanistan and chaos in Pakistan and assassination.....ALL of these are NWO constructs!

So we have most of the ingredients for hell stew...of course there are some I`ve not mentioned like pandemic, wayward nukes and the coming terror attacks which will make 9/11 look like a McD`s birthday party.lol

The party is over, the globalisation model is unsustainable. They used cheap debt to keep it going, but now its not even about the debt. In 20 years the global population will grow from 6.5 billion to over 9 billion...there isn`t the oil to keep this going. Its time to batten down the hatches and cull the present population.

So sit back and enjoy the ride.lol

gnuneo
06 January 2008 at 18:15

Carl - no, i do not write for The Economist, indeed, unless they have changed dramatically since the last time i read the rag, it is highly unlikely they would print what i say.

i also strongly get the feeling you are missing what i am saying .

how do people become wealthy? They own the land, means of production, and the transportation between the 'market' and producer.

now, if that ownership is spread out amongst the general population, ie the ones actually working, then the wealth also gets spread out.

this fits precisely with adam smith's theories of the 'free market', and indeed all the wrongful consequences you mention are the direct result of the hang-over feudal elements of ownership, that ensures wealth and newly generated wealth, stays in the same hands - it is the structure that maintains the class system.

it is also interesting to note that both the feudalists of the West, and the marxist/maoists across the world, both equally detest this system as it is profoundly anti-hierarchical, profoundly anti-elite, and profoundly democratic.

to use your own terminology, the various elements of the NWO are all implacably opposed to such democracy and economic/social development, as it flies in the face of their misunderstanding of the 'eye in the pyramid' symbol, which is supposed to illustrate the eternal and illuminated nature of Man, the Buddha element within us all, but they perceive it as meaning a society utterly controlled from above.

there are now many areas of the world that are switching to this form of economic/social structure:

http://www.newstatesman.com/200708300023

http://www.newstatesman.com/200702190026

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mondrag%C3%B3n_Cooperative_Corp...

and companies within the UK:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Lewis_Partnership

i agree with most of your critiques of our current society and problems, its just that i see a way out that is neither requiring a dictator, nor a revolution.

just a quiet little evolution.

nawawimohamad
19 February 2008 at 07:38

Economics is 99% history and 1 % prediction. as simple as that. Nobody can change history (well maybe just manipulate) and anybody can predict anything. It is just history unfolding itself under our own eyes and the next moment can be anything.

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