PMQs sketch: Vince on the naughty step

From the far end of the House, Cable peered up the bench at "the quad" on the budget issue.

The secretary of state for business, innovation and skills, the Right Honourable Dr John Vincent Cable, was back where he belonged today: on the Government's naughty step.

He had gone to ground last night after a day of pre-budget mischief-making but was forced back out into the open as MPs gathered for prime ministers' questions. It is here that the choreography of the coalition can be studied as positioning on the government front bench is as eagerly studied as Sir Alex Ferguson's Saturday team sheet.

There is a spot well down the bench where those out of favour with Number 10 and its power brokers can skulk - either happily because they are close enough to the exit to bolt or sadly because they are on the way out.

Both options applied to Health Secretary Andrew Lansley who recently set a coalition record for occupying it. Indeed, some thought he had been there long enough to claim squatters' rights.

But Vince, who had already spent several PMQs there, was never likely to give it up for long, and in making his return yesterday, allowed a grateful health secretary the opportunity to at last find a quiet corner to hide in. The relief of knowing in advance that the naughty step was already booked for the session was obvious on the faces of other serial offenders like Justice Secretary Ken Clarke, whose own chances of an early return cannot have been hurt by Liberal Democrats pronouncing him "one of us".

But Vince's decision yesterday to confirm recently written doubts about the government's lack of strategic direction on growth two weeks before the budget made him the naughty step's obvious occupant.

You could tell just how much trouble he was in by the placing of Eric Pickles, the man who gives a whole new meaning to the phrase "cabinet heavyweight", right next to him.

Vince adopted a scowl so redolent of those figures carved in stone above the doors of the Minster in York, the town of his birth, that you would think the original masons must have met his ancestors. But it is more likely tied to his exclusion from the main decision making over the budget and its effects. He believes he should be part of both because of his present job and his experience as a working economist.

Instead he could only peer up the bench in the direction of "the quad", the Coalition's own Gang of Four, who have reserved the right to sort out the way ahead.

Apart from the Prime Minister and the Chancellor, Vince has had to swallow his leader and Deputy PM Nick Clegg as a member, not to mention Danny Alexander who had been sent out to buy some sweets and came back as chief secretary to the Treasury.

Indeed PMQs had hardly begun before Dave was asked if he shared Vince's doubts about the government's direction of travel. The PM said no, but all eyes switched to Chancellor George, following reports that the two previous best buddies were presently using separate song sheets. From mansion tax to child credits, scrapping the 50p income tax rate to squeezing pension benefits for the better off, the Tory side of the coalition equation have found themselves with the dilemma of working out which group of their own supporters to hit most.

This was not lost on the usually raucous ranks of the recidivist wing of the party who were significantly quieter during the interchanges.

All of which made life easier for Ed Miliband as he perfected his Dave technique by calmly asking the PM questions about the detail of government policy, a subject on which he does not have a GCSE.

Ed first pleased his own side by asking what message Dave had for someone about to lose all his tax credits unless he finds extra work at a time of record unemployment. Then he added to Tory discomfort by asking what message he had for those among the squeezed middle about to lose child benefits.

The Tory side was ominously quiet as the Prime Minister said life was about difficult decisions.

As Vince prepared to escape from the overhang that is Eric Pickles, nominations for next week's naughty step were already flooding in with the field being led by Tory MP Nadine Norries.

Sadly, Nadine does not qualify, as she is not on the front bench and, following an intervention in the FT yesterday, it is up to the reader to calculate her chances as the PM was asked for his comments on the following:

"The problem is that policy is being run by two public schoolboys who don't know what it's like to go to the supermarket and have to put things back on the shelves because they can't afford it for their children's lunchboxes. What's worse, they don't care either."

Vince almost smiled.

Peter McHugh is the former Director of Programmes at GMTV and Chief Executive Officer of Quiddity Productions

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The 8 bits of good news about integration buried in the Casey Review

It's not all Trojan Horses.

The government-commissioned Casey Review on integration tackles serious subjects, from honour crimes to discrimination and hate crime.

It outlines how deprivation, discrimination, segregated schools and unenlightened traditions can drag certain British-Pakistani and Bangladeshi communities into isolation. 

It shines a light on nepotistic local politics, which only entrench religious and gender segregation. It also charts the hurdles faced by ethnic minorities from school, to university and the workplace. There is no doubt it makes uncomfortable reading. 

But at a time when the negative consequences of immigration are dominating headlines, it’s easy to miss some of the more optimistic trends the Casey Report uncovered:

1. You can always have more friends

For all the talk of segregation, 82 per cent of us socialise at least once a month with people from a different ethnic and religious background, according to the Citizenship Survey 2010-11.

More than half of first generation migrants had friends of a different ethnicity. As for their children, nearly three quarters were friends with people from other ethnic backgrounds. Younger people with higher levels of education and better wages are most likely to have close inter-ethnic friendships. 

Brits from Black African and Mixed ethnic backgrounds are the most sociable it seems, as they are most likely to have friends from outside their neighbourhood. White British and Irish ethnic groups, on the other hand, are least likely to have ethnically-mixed social networks. 

Moving away from home seemed to be a key factor in diversifying your friendship group –18 to 34s were the most ethnically integrated age group. 

2. Integrated schools help

The Casey Review tells the story of how schools can distort a community’s view of the world, such as the mostly Asian high school where pupils thought 90 per cent of Brits were Asian (the actual figure is 7 per cent), and the Trojan Horse affair, where hardline Muslims were accused of dominating the curriculum of a state school (the exact facts have never come to light). 

But on the other hand, schools that are integrated, can change a whole community’s perspective. A study in Oldham found that when two schools were merged to create a more balanced pupil population between White Brits and British Asians, the level of anxiety both groups felt diminished. 

3. And kids are doing better at school

The Casey Report notes: “In recent years there has been a general improvement in educational attainment in schools, with a narrowing in the gap between White pupils and pupils from Pakistani, Bangladeshi and African/Caribbean/Black ethnic backgrounds.”

A number of ethnic minority groups, including pupils of Chinese, Indian, Irish and Bangladeshi ethnicity, outperformed White British pupils (but not White Gypsy and Roma pupils, who had the lowest attainment levels of all). 

4. Most people feel part of a community

Despite the talk of a divided society, in 2015-16, 89 per cent of people thought their community was cohesive, according to the Community Life Survey, and agreed their local area is a place where people from different backgrounds get on well together. This feeling of cohesiveness is actually higher than in 2003, at the height of New Labour multiculturalism, when the figure stood at 80 per cent. 

5. Muslims are sticklers for the law

Much of the Casey Report dealt with the divisions between British Muslims and other communities, on matters of culture, religious extremism and equality. It also looked at the Islamophobia and discrimination Muslims face in the UK. 

However, while the cultural and ideological clashes may be real, a ComRes/BBC poll in 2015 found that 95 per cent of British Muslims felt loyal to Britain and 93 per cent believed Muslims in Britain should always obey British laws. 

6. Employment prospects are improving

The Casey Review rightly notes the discrimination faced by jobseekers, such as study which found CVs with white-sounding names had a better rate of reply. Brits from Black, Pakistani or Bangladeshi backgrounds are more likely to be unemployed than Whites. 

However, the employment gap between ethnic minorities and White Brits has narrowed over the last decade, from 15.6 per cent in 2004 to 12.8 per cent in 2015. 

In October 2015, public and private sector employers responsible for employing 1.8m people signed a pledge to operate recruitment on a “name blind” basis. 

7. Pretty much everyone understand this

According to the 2011 census, 91.6 per cent of adults in England and Wales had English as their main language. And 98.2 per cent of them could speak English. 

Since 2008-2009, most non-European migrants coming to the UK have to meet English requirements as part of the immigration process. 

8. Oh, and there’s a British Muslim Mayor ready to tackle integration head on

The Casey Review criticised British Asian community leaders in northern towns for preventing proper discussion of equality and in some cases preventing women from launching rival bids for a council seat.

But it also quoted Sadiq Khan, the Mayor of London, and a British Muslim. Khan criticised religious families that force children to adopt a certain lifestyle, and he concluded:

"There is no other city in the world where I would want to raise my daughters than London.

"They have rights, they have protection, the right to wear what they like, think what they like, to meet who they like, to study what they like, more than they would in any other country.”

 

Julia Rampen is the editor of The Staggers, The New Statesman's online rolling politics blog. She was previously deputy editor at Mirror Money Online and has worked as a financial journalist for several trade magazines.