Salmond's courtship of Murdoch continues

SNP activists are said to be dismayed by Salmond's behaviour.

How far will Alex Salmond go in his bid to woo Rupert Murdoch? The Scottish First Minister has met the Sun King or his executives 26 times since taking office and exclusively revealed to the Scottish Sun on Sunday his planned referendum date of 18 October 2014.

Now it's emerged that Murdoch and Salmond also discussed the notable subject of corporation tax at their recent meeting. According to former Murdoch confidant, Andrew Neil, the News Corp head indicted that he could move BSkyB's headquarters to Edinburgh if an independent Scotland slashed corporation tax from 26 per cent (the UK rate) to 10 per cent. In return, Murdoch, who has already tweeted his support for Scottish independence, could swing his tabloids behind Salmond's campaign. Writing in the Daily Mail, Kelvin MacKenzie suggested that the SNP leader was giving "serious thought to the idea".

Given Salmond's record of sycophancy towards Murdoch that is no surprise. Following a meeting with Murdoch in New York in October 2007, he wrote:

I enjoyed our conversation and, as ever, found your views both insightful and stimulating.

On another occasion, after the opening of News International's Eurocentral printing plant in Motherwell, Salmond fawned:

Thank you so much for the invitation to open the splendid new plant at Eurocentral. I hope that News International goes from strength to strength and that your "big bet" in newspapers will pay off.

Salmond was eventually rewarded when the Scottish Sun backed the SNP at the last Holyrood election and when the paper's executives treated him to a curry dinnner after his party's remarkable victory.

For now, with the SNP determined to maintain unity ahead of the referendum, Salmond's behaviour is unlikely to be challenged. But it's unsurprising to learn from the Daily Record that grassroots activists are dismayed by their leader's actions.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Northern Ireland election results: a shift beneath the status quo

The power of the largest parties has been maintained, while newer parties running on nicher subjects with no connection to Northern Ireland’s traditional religious divide are rapidly rising.

After a long day of counting and tinkering with the region’s complex PR vote transfer sytem, Northern Irish election results are slowly starting to trickle in. Overall, the status quo of the largest parties has been maintained with Sinn Fein and the Democratic Unionist Party returning as the largest nationalist and unionist party respectively. However, beyond the immediate scope of the biggest parties, interesting changes are taking place. The two smaller nationalist and unionist parties appear to be losing support, while newer parties running on nicher subjects with no connection to Northern Ireland’s traditional religious divide are rapidly rising.

The most significant win of the night so far has been Gerry Carroll from People Before Profit who topped polls in the Republican heartland of West Belfast. Traditionally a Sinn Fein safe constituency and a former seat of party leader Gerry Adams, Carroll has won hearts at a local level after years of community work and anti-austerity activism. A second People Before Profit candidate Eamon McCann also holds a strong chance of winning a seat in Foyle. The hard-left party’s passionate defence of public services and anti-austerity politics have held sway with working class families in the Republican constituencies which both feature high unemployment levels and which are increasingly finding Republicanism’s focus on the constitutional question limiting in strained economic times.

The Green party is another smaller party which is slowly edging further into the mainstream. As one of the only pro-choice parties at Stormont which advocates for abortion to be legalised on a level with Great Britain’s 1967 Abortion Act, the party has found itself thrust into the spotlight in recent months following the prosecution of a number of women on abortion related offences.

The mixed-religion, cross-community Alliance party has experienced mixed results. Although it looks set to increase its result overall, one of the best known faces of the party, party leader David Ford, faces the real possibility of losing his seat in South Antrim following a poor performance as Justice Minister. Naomi Long, who sensationally beat First Minister Peter Robinson to take his East Belfast seat at the 2011 Westminster election before losing it again to a pan-unionist candidate, has been elected as Stormont MLA for the same constituency. Following her competent performance as MP and efforts to reach out to both Protestant and Catholic voters, she has been seen by many as a rising star in the party and could now represent a more appealing leader to Ford.

As these smaller parties slowly gain a foothold in Northern Ireland’s long-established and stagnant political landscape, it appears to be the smaller two nationalist and unionist parties which are losing out to them. The moderate nationalist party the SDLP risks losing previously safe seats such as well-known former minister Alex Attwood’s West Belfast seat. The party’s traditional, conservative values such as upholding the abortion ban and failing to embrace the campaign for same-sex marriage has alienated younger voters who instead may be drawn to Alliance, the Greens or People Before Profit. Local commentators have speculate that the party may fail to get enough support to qualify for a minister at the executive table.

The UUP are in a similar position on the unionist side of the spectrum. While popular with older voters, they lack the charismatic force of the DUP and progressive policies of the newer parties. Over the course of the last parliament, the party has aired the possibility of forming an official opposition rather than propping up the mandatory power-sharing coalition set out by the peace process. A few months ago, legislation will finally past to allow such an opposition to form. The UUP would not commit to saying whether they are planning on being the first party to take up that position. However, lacklustre election results may increase the appeal. As the SDLP suffers similar circumstances, they might well also see themselves attracted to the role and form a Stormont’s first official opposition together as a way of regaining relevance and esteem in a system where smaller parties are increasingly jostling for space.