Salmond's courtship of Murdoch continues

SNP activists are said to be dismayed by Salmond's behaviour.

How far will Alex Salmond go in his bid to woo Rupert Murdoch? The Scottish First Minister has met the Sun King or his executives 26 times since taking office and exclusively revealed to the Scottish Sun on Sunday his planned referendum date of 18 October 2014.

Now it's emerged that Murdoch and Salmond also discussed the notable subject of corporation tax at their recent meeting. According to former Murdoch confidant, Andrew Neil, the News Corp head indicted that he could move BSkyB's headquarters to Edinburgh if an independent Scotland slashed corporation tax from 26 per cent (the UK rate) to 10 per cent. In return, Murdoch, who has already tweeted his support for Scottish independence, could swing his tabloids behind Salmond's campaign. Writing in the Daily Mail, Kelvin MacKenzie suggested that the SNP leader was giving "serious thought to the idea".

Given Salmond's record of sycophancy towards Murdoch that is no surprise. Following a meeting with Murdoch in New York in October 2007, he wrote:

I enjoyed our conversation and, as ever, found your views both insightful and stimulating.

On another occasion, after the opening of News International's Eurocentral printing plant in Motherwell, Salmond fawned:

Thank you so much for the invitation to open the splendid new plant at Eurocentral. I hope that News International goes from strength to strength and that your "big bet" in newspapers will pay off.

Salmond was eventually rewarded when the Scottish Sun backed the SNP at the last Holyrood election and when the paper's executives treated him to a curry dinnner after his party's remarkable victory.

For now, with the SNP determined to maintain unity ahead of the referendum, Salmond's behaviour is unlikely to be challenged. But it's unsurprising to learn from the Daily Record that grassroots activists are dismayed by their leader's actions.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Voters are turning against Brexit but the Lib Dems aren't benefiting

Labour's pro-Brexit stance is not preventing it from winning the support of Remainers. Will that change?

More than a year after the UK voted for Brexit, there has been little sign of buyer's remorse. The public, including around a third of Remainers, are largely of the view that the government should "get on with it".

But as real wages are squeezed (owing to the Brexit-linked inflationary spike) there are tentative signs that the mood is changing. In the event of a second referendum, an Opinium/Observer poll found, 47 per cent would vote Remain, compared to 44 per cent for Leave. Support for a repeat vote is also increasing. Forty one per cent of the public now favour a second referendum (with 48 per cent opposed), compared to 33 per cent last December. 

The Liberal Democrats have made halting Brexit their raison d'être. But as public opinion turns, there is no sign they are benefiting. Since the election, Vince Cable's party has yet to exceed single figures in the polls, scoring a lowly 6 per cent in the Opinium survey (down from 7.4 per cent at the election). 

What accounts for this disparity? After their near-extinction in 2015, the Lib Dems remain either toxic or irrelevant to many voters. Labour, by contrast, despite its pro-Brexit stance, has hoovered up Remainers (55 per cent back Jeremy Corbyn's party). 

In some cases, this reflects voters' other priorities. Remainers are prepared to support Labour on account of the party's stances on austerity, housing and education. Corbyn, meanwhile, is a eurosceptic whose internationalism and pro-migration reputation endear him to EU supporters. Other Remainers rewarded Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, rebelling against the leadership's stance. 

But the trend also partly reflects ignorance. By saying little on the subject of Brexit, Corbyn and Labour allowed Remainers to assume the best. Though there is little evidence that voters will abandon Corbyn over his EU stance, the potential exists.

For this reason, the proposal of a new party will continue to recur. By challenging Labour over Brexit, without the toxicity of Lib Dems, it would sharpen the choice before voters. Though it would not win an election, a new party could force Corbyn to soften his stance on Brexit or to offer a second referendum (mirroring Ukip's effect on the Conservatives).

The greatest problem for the project is that it lacks support where it counts: among MPs. For reasons of tribalism and strategy, there is no emergent "Gang of Four" ready to helm a new party. In the absence of a new convulsion, the UK may turn against Brexit without the anti-Brexiteers benefiting. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.