Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read pieces from this morning's papers.

1. Care of the elderly: it's not too late to make Britain a good place in which to grow old (Guardian)

At this time of year as families gather, our thoughts turn to the nation's elderly and how to provide for them fairly, writes Will Hutton.

2. What does 2013 hold for the main party leaders? (Guardian)

Nick Clegg and David Cameron face more of the same. Ed Miliband's future is more complicated. He has choices, writes Andrew Rawnsley.

3. Honours list: happy for Sir Wiggo, but Danny Boyle has a point (Guardian)

Danny Boyle's rejection of a knighthood reminds us that the principle behind the list is flawed, writes Stephanie Merritt.

4. Angry? Me? How dare you! (Guardian)

Nowadays, outrage is our only mode of discourse. It is high time that we all calmed down, writes Viv Groskop.

5. Ditching their modernisation campaign was the Tories’ worst strategic error since the poll tax (Telegraph) David Cameron must address the identity crisis in his party before it is too late, writes Matthew d'Aconda.

6. It's two years away, but the 2015 election is already lost (Telegraph)

Four factors conspire to make a Tory majority an outright impossibility, writes Paul Goodman.

7. Europe, wind, warming... we're slowly waking up to reality (Telegraph)

It was the year when many long-dominant belief systems began to collapse, writes Christopher Booker.

8. 2012: A year I won't forget, for all the wrong reasons (Independent)

I can't remember when I've ended a year so angry. Goodbye 2012 and good riddance, writes Joan Smith

9. Children face cruelties of the adult world (Financial Times)

Innocence has been squandered by mindless violence and economic idiocy, writes Simon Schama.

10. Cliffhanger (Times)

America may yet step back from the brink — but its bungled handling of its fiscal crisis reflects a broader malaise that could affect us all, writes Tony Allen-Mills.

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Voters are turning against Brexit but the Lib Dems aren't benefiting

Labour's pro-Brexit stance is not preventing it from winning the support of Remainers. Will that change?

More than a year after the UK voted for Brexit, there has been little sign of buyer's remorse. The public, including around a third of Remainers, are largely of the view that the government should "get on with it".

But as real wages are squeezed (owing to the Brexit-linked inflationary spike) there are tentative signs that the mood is changing. In the event of a second referendum, an Opinium/Observer poll found, 47 per cent would vote Remain, compared to 44 per cent for Leave. Support for a repeat vote is also increasing. Forty one per cent of the public now favour a second referendum (with 48 per cent opposed), compared to 33 per cent last December. 

The Liberal Democrats have made halting Brexit their raison d'être. But as public opinion turns, there is no sign they are benefiting. Since the election, Vince Cable's party has yet to exceed single figures in the polls, scoring a lowly 6 per cent in the Opinium survey (down from 7.4 per cent at the election). 

What accounts for this disparity? After their near-extinction in 2015, the Lib Dems remain either toxic or irrelevant to many voters. Labour, by contrast, despite its pro-Brexit stance, has hoovered up Remainers (55 per cent back Jeremy Corbyn's party). 

In some cases, this reflects voters' other priorities. Remainers are prepared to support Labour on account of the party's stances on austerity, housing and education. Corbyn, meanwhile, is a eurosceptic whose internationalism and pro-migration reputation endear him to EU supporters. Other Remainers rewarded Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, rebelling against the leadership's stance. 

But the trend also partly reflects ignorance. By saying little on the subject of Brexit, Corbyn and Labour allowed Remainers to assume the best. Though there is little evidence that voters will abandon Corbyn over his EU stance, the potential exists.

For this reason, the proposal of a new party will continue to recur. By challenging Labour over Brexit, without the toxicity of Lib Dems, it would sharpen the choice before voters. Though it would not win an election, a new party could force Corbyn to soften his stance on Brexit or to offer a second referendum (mirroring Ukip's effect on the Conservatives).

The greatest problem for the project is that it lacks support where it counts: among MPs. For reasons of tribalism and strategy, there is no emergent "Gang of Four" ready to helm a new party. In the absence of a new convulsion, the UK may turn against Brexit without the anti-Brexiteers benefiting. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.