Why we need a Lib Dem-Tory alliance
It’s time to strengthen the liberal-right in British politics.
By Ryan Shorthouse Published 15 March 2012 15:47
Nearly two years into the coalition, both of the governing parties are promoting their distinct identities to garner supporters. This is because the Conservatives want an outright majority. The Liberal Democrats just want survival.
But as David Laws commented in a keynote speech to Bright Blue this week, now is not the time to stress differentiation and split the coalition. A better strategy - for both parties and, most importantly, for the country, especially in this period of economic turbulence - is to stress the shared agenda of the two partners and the longevity of the current government.
In actual fact, it's time to seriously consider a long-term relationship, even a merger, between the two parties which lasts beyond 2015. The liberal-right needs a strengthened political identity in this country, to dilute the influence of ideologues and reactionaries, and to maintain progressive policy-making.
The Conservatives face a weak opposition and Cameron is popular with the electorate. But it is not enough. Polling by Michael Ashcroft of voters in key marginal seats shows that those who failed to give the party the votes they needed for a majority, are still sceptics today. Low-income women and ethnic minorities are particularly doubtful. Teaming up with the Lib Dems would help reassure such voters that the party really is decontaminated, modern and liberal-minded.
The Lib Dems can never govern alone. They rely on coalitions. The problem is, transferring from one party to the other looks like flip-flopping, and they will be punished by voters. Their best hope of long-term influence lies in a merger with one of the major political parties. A liberal-right alliance would be consistent with their Gladstonian traditions and allow greater distinctiveness and influence than a Lab-Lib pact.
Finally, and most importantly, the country would benefit from a new liberal-right alliance. The truth is, since the 1990s, most senior minsters and civil servants have subscribed to economic and social liberalism: a belief in a competitive, market-based economy with protection and enhanced opportunities for the most vulnerable.
So all recent governments have sought low taxes, light-tough regulation and private sector engagement in public services. But, at the same time, there has been commitments to tax credits, enhanced investment in hospitals and schools, better workers' rights and a determination to protect personal freedom. This consensus on policy-making has - apart from notable anomalies - been followed by Cameron, who followed Blair, who followed Major.
Yes, there are problems with our economy and our society. More still needs to be done. But these liberal, pro-market reforms - based on close inspection of evidence - have made this country, slowly but surely, better. Satisfaction with our health service is at an all-time high. Educational standards are up. Crime and levels of poverty are down.
But the liberal-right - on the modernising wings of the three main parties - who are open to evidence and passionate about progress are under constant pressure from ideologues, who are nervous and uncomfortable about the direction of modern Britain. To keep these voices happy, archaic and ridiculous narratives, as well as ill-considered policies, are often trumpeted.
So, for example, we have Cameron proposing a transferable tax allowance for married couples, a throw-back to the 1950s which will do nothing to boost marriage rates. Clegg, meanwhile, went into the last election calling for the scrapping of tuition fees, despite the fact that the new funding arrangements have not harmed university access for the most deprived. In the Labour party, there is stubborn opposition to private sector involvement in the health service, despite a wealth of evidence illustrating that increased competition enhances the performance and efficiency of hospitals.
Such thoughtless policy positions are championed simply to gratify unthinking, prejudiced viewpoints, which spread and are slavishly adhered to in political parties. Ideologues that enjoy the belligerency and tribalism of politics rise up the ranks and wield too much power, distorting steps to social and economic progress.
A new liberal-right alliance could change that. There would, of course, be room for those on the modernising wing of the Labour Party. Those who are passionate about good policies and open to new ideas, not dogmatists and tribalists, would be more influential. And the silent majority in this country - who simply long for a better life for their families, whichever party is in power - would benefit from a new sort of politics: discursive, progressive and evidence-based.
Ryan Shorthouse is the Director of Bright Blue
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38 comments
Mrs,M L Bonwick-Jones, define "right-wing". You almost certainly mean what are in fact Liberal and Whig ideas rather than Tory ones: everything to do with Thatcherism for example; or an interventionist foreign policy.
As I explained, immigration by successive waves of people like that is what turned the age-old Tory subculture into the Conservative Party. That is what the Conservative Party: I device for making Tories vote and campaign for Liberals. Unlike in the past, most of them no longer even realise.
Sorry, I'll try again:
Mrs,M L Bonwick-Jones, define "right-wing". You almost certainly mean what are in fact Liberal and Whig ideas rather than Tory ones: everything to do with Thatcherism, for example; or an interventionist foreign policy.
As I explained, immigration by successive waves of people like that is what turned the age-old Tory subculture into the Conservative Party. That is what the Conservative Party is: a device for making Tories vote and campaign for Liberals. Unlike in the past, most of them no longer even realise.
The Lib Dems do not have to cling to the Conservatives. They could easily vote against the bills they don't like and vote for the bills they do like. After all, this is why parliament votes in the first place.
@Not A Number,
I do not agree.
Lib/dem are for or against the NHS bill, not sitting on the fence or choose what they like.
It is like the execution for or against no between.
cgcenet - you have buried your head in the sand, I'm afraid..I am not "taking as gospel" anyone's word, least of all that of Liberal Vision die-hards, but what Ryan wrote is accurate, what David Laws argues is accurate, and reports of what has been discussed, and agreed - by ALL leading cabinet/parliamentary Lib Dems..the realignment pact for 2015 in some Lib Dem/Labour marginals..this is no plot, or wish-fulfilment, but is a factual agreement and strategy, whether you like it or not...sorry!
@sorry mr lindsey i was wrong
lib dem voters may 2010
26 per cent left 47 per cent centre 7 per cent right
december 2011 16 per cent left 66 per cent centre 6 per cent right.
tell me if iam wrong but although they say they occupy the centre ground, a place the conservatives and labour now wish to occupy, under past leaders such as charlie kennedy they were far more left- leaning, they are now more centre-right, mainly because that is where the leadership has taken them and also the left-leaning people have turned to labour which is what the 2011 table is saying, but they have not yet managed to take many conservative voters who may flee under david cameron but will do so to ukip.
@Mrs,M L Bonwick-Jones,
Sorry, i do not understand your above comment, please elaborate.
Yes, but that whole definition of "centre right" is in fact classical Liberalism going all the way back to the Whigs. People in that tradition have taken over the Tory machine time and time again. So much so that most people assume that that is what conservatism is, and call it "the centre right". Well, the "the centre right" or "the centre left" can mean anything you like. But the position currently described as "the centre right" is not conservative or Tory. It just isn't.
@nourredine
I agree, they're either for or against, and at the moment they're only for because they want to prop up this notion of "strong government". Clegg himself said "it's not our bill". So my question is, how many more bad bills will it take till the Lib Dems wake up and grow a backbone?
David Lindsay - excellent posts, historically accurate and politically true..
Clegg et al are merely continuing an age-old pattern, de facto re-aligning the right in Britain...
John Major (in 1998!) openly said that his aim, after Blair's 1997 victory, was to realign the Lib Dems and Tories into a "sensible Thatcherite bloc", defined against the Euro-sceptic Thatcherite right and the Thatcher-lite Blairite centre
In 2012, his vision has come true, and in 2015 there will be a de facto consolidation, where Tory voters will be encouraged by Cameron, Osborne, Clegg and Laws to vote for Lib Dems in seats where Labour is the main challenger and Tories nowhere...
And Mrs Bonwick Jones - Clegg and all leading Lib Dems 100% reject the notion of left and right, as you argue..they say they are neither, they are liberals...and Lib Dems in 2012 are as a party 100% anti-collectivist, anti-union, anti-socialist, etc etc...where have you been the last 2 years?
@gerry,
"Tory voters will be encouraged by Cameron, Osborne, Clegg and Laws to vote for Lib Dems in seats where Labour is the main challenger and Tories nowhere.."
It is too premature to say that, wait to hear if Mr Huhne is convicted first because if he is we will see the tories v lib/dem in Mr Huhne's constituency.
"Clegg and all leading Lib Dems 100% reject the notion of left and right, as you argue..they say they are neither, they are liberals...and Lib Dems in 2012 are as a party 100% anti-collectivist, anti-union, anti-socialist, etc etc...where have you been the last 2 years?"
The lib/dem will be swollen by the tories by 2015 and lib/dem will be fragmented and will be in small percentage left 5-6%
The Liberal right are the reason the world is in a financial mess. We certainly do not need more of them they have failed us badly. Time for a change. Oh! did conman Cameron say that a while ago?
"The Lib Dems can never govern alone. They rely on coalitions. The problem is, transferring from one party to the other looks like flip-flopping.....Their best hope of long-term influence lies in a merger with one of the major political parties."
The three party system is quite unstable in this way. As a centre-right Liberal I would prefer a 4 party system (left; Centre-left; Centre-Right; Right) rather than a merger of LDs and Tories with its protectionism and religious and socially conservative instincts. Even the Tories economic liberalism favours big business over small business.
elrob, who says that the Liberals were "the Left" before the emergence of Labour? It was the Tories who doubled the franchise, ended the slave trade, enacted factory reform, and so on.
Once Labour emerged, it drew more or less equally on Radical (though not Whig) Liberalism and on Toryism, on previously Liberal and on previously Tory voters, on newly recruited Liberal politicians and on previously Tory voters.
This magazine has a copy on my recent book and this and other matters.
@Gerry
"Lib Dems in 2012 are as a party 100% anti-collectivist, anti-union, anti-socialist, etc etc... where have you been the last 2 years?"
That is not entirely correct. The leadership of the party may well be largely/increasingly classical liberal in orientation, but quite a chunk of the membership - and certainly the activists - are not. There are plenty of activists who still occupy ground that is recognisably centre-left. Many of the measures voted on/reaffirmed at conference last week were clearly of that flavour.
Whether that makes any difference, given the leadership has charted a different course, is a separate question.
@gerry: You are the ostrich. What you, Ryan and David Lindsay above forget is that the Lib Dems are not a Leninist party, the leadership cannot just dictate a strategy to the party and expect the party grassroots to accept it unquestioningly. That may be how the other two parties work, but in the Lib Dems *conference actually matters*, and so do the opinions of ordinary members. And if the party activists (you know, the ones who actually campaign and make election victories possible) do not want to campaign in an electoral pact (and most do not), yet the leadership somehow manages to get one past conference (as I said most unlikely), those activists will take their campaigning skills elsewhere.
Posting under my real name this time, but I am cgcenet; however I am not the "Alex M" who posted earlier in this thread.
sorry that last sentence doesn't make sense. I was trying to post under my real name which is Alex Macfie.
Alex M, the left-leaning, or in many cases very left-wing, membership of the Labour Party never bothered Tony Blair. You can pass anything you like as constitutionally the party policy because a conference says so. But if the Leader pays no attention, then the Leader pays no attention.
@gerry: As I have said before an electoral pact would breach the Lib Dem party constitution, would be most unlikely to get past conference and would split the party if it did happen. The pro-pact "National Lib Dems" would be unlikely to get 70–80 seats under a pact as they would be up against independent Lib Dem candidates. In short, it would be like the 1920s and 1930s all over again for the Lib Dems.
The coalition is a manifestation of nothing except the electoral arithmetic resulting from the last general electionm, which produced a hung parliament in which the only workable govenment option was a Con-Lib Dem coalition. You are the one whistling in the wind gerry as you are taking as gospel the mutterings of a few people close to the Westminster bubble not understanding that there is a lot more to politics than that.
The Conservative Party has been hoovering up Liberals for a very long time: Country Whigs, Patriot Whigs, Liberal Unionists, Liberal Imperialists, National Liberals as one of whom Michael Heseltine first sought election to Parliament, Alfred Roberts’s daughter, those around the Institute of Economic Affairs (although its founders and its founding backer, like Roberts, never actually joined), and now the Liberal Democrats.
Among those last, the most blatantly obvious outrider or trailblazer is Elizabeth Truss, a veteran anti-monarchist campaigner, and also possessed of most unorthodox opinions regarding the institution of marriage, but whom the Conservative hierarchy forced upon a safe Conservative seat in time for the 2010 General Election.
It is entirely incorrect to say that members of the present Coalition are the first Liberal Cabinet Ministers since the War. By the time that he was Home Secretary between 1954 and 1957, Gwilym Lloyd George had ceased to be a member of either of the Liberal parties that had each separately asked him to lead it in 1945, but nor had he joined the Conservative Party. One third of the Cabinet Ministers dismissed in one night by Harold Macmillan were National Liberals, raising yet more among the many serious questions about how conservative or Tory the sacked six’s economic views, which went on to become monetarism, really were or were not, are or are not.
The feud between the former Miss Roberts and the present Lord Heseltine was fundamentally and ultimately an intra-Liberal affair, and it remains so. Even if vicariously and posthumously, Margaret Thatcher’s father was the last great Liberal commercial magnate from the provinces to exercise national political power.
The Conservative Party is itself therefore two parties in one, which would be entirely separate in many other countries, competing hardly at all for the same votes and co-operating hardly at all on any issue of policy. The metropolitan, urban, capitalist, secular, libertarian, make-the-world-anew party has finally defeated and banished the provincial, rural, protectionist, church-based, conservative, mind-our-own-business party. The Whigs have finally defeated and banished the Tories. But preferably in a context of electoral reform, which can only suit the Tories down to the ground.
They are not the only ones. As it took shape, Labour adapted itself both to Radical Liberalism and to populist Toryism, depending on the pre-existing culture at least of its target electorate. Labour was never the party of anything like the whole of the working classes, nor did those classes ever provide anything like all of its support. There was never any incongruity about the presence of middle or upper-class people in the Labour Party, and not least among Labour MPs. Nor about their having come from, and far from cast off, either Liberal or Tory backgrounds, routinely including activism, and indeed parliamentary service.
Both Radical Liberalism and populist Toryism were very open to central and local government action. They were therefore open to many aspects of the never-dominant Socialist strand in Labour as surely as they acted as checks and balances on it. Deeply rooted in the chapels, the Radicals had a pronounced streak of moral and social conservatism, especially where intoxication and gambling were concerned. Toryism, properly so called, upholds the organic Constitution, believes in carefully controlled importation and immigration, and advocates a realist foreign policy which includes a strong defence capability used only most sparingly and to strictly defensive ends. And so on.
The movement that drank deeply from both of these wells did in fact deliver social democracy in this country, a good both in itself and in its prevention of a Communist revolution. It is time to reconstitute that movement.
cgcenet - the points you make are quality, but the tide of opinion amongst leading Lib Dems backs the Laws position, which Ryan rightly argues...no matter what you say, there will be a Tory/Lib Dem electoral pact as I described in 2015, and Lib Dems could win up to 70-80 seats, may be more...
Ryan, and David Lindsay are unarguable...this sort of liberal-right realignment is a historical fact, and the coalition is simply the latest manifaestation of this realignment: for liberals, the true anomaly of recent years has been the "social liberal" or "social democratic" element, but in 2012 Lib Dems are effectively cleansing their party of these elements, and returning to their liberal core values..sorry, cgcenet, but you are whistling in the wind..
"In the Labour party, there is stubborn opposition to private sector involvement in the health service, despite a wealth of evidence illustrating that increased competition enhances the performance and efficiency of hospitals."
Sorry, Mr Shorthouse, there is no evidence for the beneficial effects of private sector involvement and competition in the health services. It is dogma. It is the so-called modernisers who are slavishly adhering to worn-out positions and polices.
"Teaming up with the Lib Dems would help reassure such voters that the party really is decontaminated, modern and liberal-minded." The problem, however, is that the Tories are NOT decontaminated, as we see day in and day out in their attacks on the vulnerable and on public services. Get real.
"a wealth of evidence illustrating that increased competition enhances the performance and efficiency of hospitals."
What is this evidence? Where can we find it? Who authored it?
"But these liberal, pro-market reforms - based on close inspection of evidence - have made this country, slowly but surely, better."
Again, where is this evidence you speak of? When you say close inspection do you really mean 'cursory glance
then twist the facts so we can present our argument even though we know it's patently wrong'?
You an your kind are a blight on this country and the face of the earth. Accept facts and act accoridng to them and not your dogmatic belief in a foolsih notion of a self regulating free market.
D Lindsey
whole definition of "centre right" is in fact classical Liberalism going all the way back to the Whigs. People in that tradition have taken over the Tory machine time and time again.
--------------------
You need to bring yourself up to date. This is the 21st century, not Gladstone.
The terms left and righht have moved heavily since the 19th century. Labour replaced the liberals as the left as more workers got the vote.
The Tories did hoover up liberals as someone has said (especially from the 30s). And the Liberals re-invesnted themselves - and now seek to be otaken over??.
They are regresssing to a free market Right just as the free market has been exposed as deeply flawed.
As for someone's comment on a market for the NHS. I worked in the NHS, and knew nurses who'd worked in private foreign systems: We were not nurses but waitresses.
I believe there is ample proof of the efficiency of a national service; and plenty of strong surveys showing it, and all for a lot less than most advanced industrial countries spend.
If D Alexander etal merge with Tories, the Lib Dems will either die start again as a more social dem party. But as Labour is moving back there - I hope and expect - there'll be less point for them.
funnily enough there are no well known political leaders of the libertarian right, presumably as this is the road to nihilism, via chaos, which seems to be the road this coalition is on. and no one has successfully run a country that way, though there may well have been a few unsuccessful attempts.
but you can of course give it a go, but who is going to keep the conservative name when you divorce?
The Tories will drop the Lib Dems as soon as they have served their purpose i.e. in around 3 years time.
This article is just wrong, completely WRONG! If the Lib Dems were to merge with one of the main parties, the party would just disappear. It would have no more influence because it would not exist. And to say, "The Lib Dems can never govern alone," is just defeatist claptrap as far as the Lib Dems are concerned; you never know what is going to happen. A pact with the Tories parties might allow the Lib Dems to gain more seats at the next election than they would otherwise, but the tally of seats they would win in 2015 would be the ceiling. They would never get any more seats, because they would only be campaigning where the Tories would let them, and the party would be slowly absorbed into the Tories and would eventually be completely assimilated. Where are the National Liberals now? The answer is, "Nowhere." "National Liberalism" is not even a concept anymore in modern UK politics. That would be the fate of the Lib Dems if they went into any sort of long term electoral arrangement with the Tories -- first a sub-brand, then total assimilation with no trace of the original party at all. The only reason this sort of idea is put about is that some Tories want to use it to return to the party system of the 1950s: a two-party system where they are in power more often than not, with no pesky third party taking away a lot of their votes.
The Con-LibDem Coalition exists because it was necessitated by the electoral arithmetic following the 2010 general election, and for *no other reason*. In 2015, the arithmetic might dictate a different coalition, or single-party government. There is no natural alignment between the two parties; there is no working arrangement between them anywhere other than the Westminster parliament and national government.
After the next election the Lib dems will almost certainly completely cease to exist as a political force. The electorate will wreak revenge on Clegg and his ambitious treachery, dumping support for this former decent party and casting it into the oubliette of History. Clegg may be elevated to the House of Lard, but that too will be seen as the ignominy of Judas.
The whole Party system is corrupt. We need legislation which will ensure and enshrine any Political promises made before an election be implemented during the course of the following Parliament, if the Party which made the promises forms a government.
This simple piece of legislation would purge deceit from the hustings and invigorate our democracy.
We need democracy as never before in this rotting Kingdom of ours. Then perhaps we can be at peace and enjoys the fruits of peace.
THE FRUITS OF PEACE!
GAIA
As for the idea that the Tories are in any way a liberal party, you only have to look at their European allies to see that that isn't true. No "liberal" party could ever belong to the same group as parties that think women should not have the vote, climate-change deniers, holocaust-celebrators and homophobes.
In history and Mr Osbourne knows that very well as he study it.
The smaller party in a coalition always get swollen by the other big party which in this case the tories.
That is history saying.
nourredine, as I set out, the Tory machine has repeatedly absorbed the Liberal one. But on the basis of a Liberal, not a Tory, ideology. To such an extent that most people now imagine that ideology, the basis of this article, to be Toryism. It is not.
Elrob - there will always be a Liberal party...as David Lindsay rightly proves,the Whigs/Liberals are the oldest "progressive" tradition in the UK.
On present patterns, Lib Dems will get maybe 14-16% of the vote in 2015, more if their realignment with the Tories successfully plays out in seats where they are second to Labour and the Tories nowhere, and in all other Liberal/Labour marginals..
The present Coalition proves that when Liberals and Tories combine, they are nearly always politically dominant and unstoppable...the one idea John Major got right!
Glad to see David Laws thinks he can keep Cameron honest.
The word " Gullible" springs to mind.
I am on the modernising wing of the Labour Party, but the idea that those on the right of my party will join a rightwing alliance which is "liberal-minded" is absurd. You are effectively trying to say that Blair is a 'liberal conservative' and all his followers should join a Tory party. Politics doesn't work like that? We are liberal social democrats, not Tories.
apologies for the typing i have a injured hand.
david lindsey
the conservative party have not been hoovering up the lib dems for a while
they themselves have been becoming more and more right-wing.
especially with the labour party hating nick clegg who makes that fact far too noticeable for a party that can only be in coalitions, danny alexander, jeremy browne and others are the same vince cable is seen as quite out-dated.
david cameron likes being in coalition far too much as it protects him from the right of his party and he also agree's with most of the lib dem idea's,infact 70 per cent of what was in the lib dem manifesto has been achieved in goverment it is not the lib dem,s who are being swollowed up, both cameron and clegg would like things between them to continue into another term, other's in their parties and the electorate may have other idea's.