Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read pieces from this morning's newspapers.

1. Intervention in Syria will escalate, not stop the killing (Guardian)

Russia and China blocked a bid to force regime change. But, says Seumas Milne, a negotiated settlement is the only way out of civil war.

2. How do we help get rid of President Bashar al-Assad? (Daily Telegraph)

Alex Spillius explains that unlike the former rebels in Libya, those in Syria are fragmented and don't control even a corner of the country.

3. Putin's fears are not for Assad but for himself (Times) (£)

Tony Brenton says that Russia's support for Syria is a diplomatic error forced by the rising tide of protest at home.

4. Don't let vested interests skew the NHS debate (Independent)

Doctors can, of course, have fair concerns; but they must be understood in context, says this leading article.

5. Deport Abu Qatada: or if not, give him the law's full protection (Guardian)

Qatada champions al-Qaida and delights in terrorist outrages. But Britain is robust enough to tolerate madcap clerics, says Simon Jenkins.

6. There's only half an answer to high pay: growth (Times) (£)

Nobody shouted about bonuses during the boom, says Daniel Finkelstein. Don't scare off private business and risk delaying recovery.

7. Crisis must not change India's course (Financial Times)

Eurozone and oil-price threats should not be exaggerated, warns Martin Wolf.

8. Why India needs aid (Guardian)

Most of its population are still poor. The row over British aid shows how many people confuse rapid growth with wealth, says Praful Bidwai.

9. Greece is being screwed down so Sarkozy can meet his deadline (Independent)

The motive and timing of Angela Merkel's support for the French president are interesting, says Hamish McRae.

10. The US feels sunny again while Britain shivers (Times) (£)

The two are conducting a controlled economic experiment, says Anatole Kaletsky. Now we can see the results.

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What Jeremy Corbyn gets right about the single market

Technically, you can be outside the EU but inside the single market. Philosophically, you're still in the EU. 

I’ve been trying to work out what bothers me about the response to Jeremy Corbyn’s interview on the Andrew Marr programme.

What bothers me about Corbyn’s interview is obvious: the use of the phrase “wholesale importation” to describe people coming from Eastern Europe to the United Kingdom makes them sound like boxes of sugar rather than people. Adding to that, by suggesting that this “importation” had “destroy[ed] conditions”, rather than laying the blame on Britain’s under-enforced and under-regulated labour market, his words were more appropriate to a politician who believes that immigrants are objects to be scapegoated, not people to be served. (Though perhaps that is appropriate for the leader of the Labour Party if recent history is any guide.)

But I’m bothered, too, by the reaction to another part of his interview, in which the Labour leader said that Britain must leave the single market as it leaves the European Union. The response to this, which is technically correct, has been to attack Corbyn as Liechtenstein, Switzerland, Norway and Iceland are members of the single market but not the European Union.

In my view, leaving the single market will make Britain poorer in the short and long term, will immediately render much of Labour’s 2017 manifesto moot and will, in the long run, be a far bigger victory for right-wing politics than any mere election. Corbyn’s view, that the benefits of freeing a British government from the rules of the single market will outweigh the costs, doesn’t seem very likely to me. So why do I feel so uneasy about the claim that you can be a member of the single market and not the European Union?

I think it’s because the difficult truth is that these countries are, de facto, in the European Union in any meaningful sense. By any estimation, the three pillars of Britain’s “Out” vote were, firstly, control over Britain’s borders, aka the end of the free movement of people, secondly, more money for the public realm aka £350m a week for the NHS, and thirdly control over Britain’s own laws. It’s hard to see how, if the United Kingdom continues to be subject to the free movement of people, continues to pay large sums towards the European Union, and continues to have its laws set elsewhere, we have “honoured the referendum result”.

None of which changes my view that leaving the single market would be a catastrophe for the United Kingdom. But retaining Britain’s single market membership starts with making the argument for single market membership, not hiding behind rhetorical tricks about whether or not single market membership was on the ballot last June, when it quite clearly was. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.