A departure widely unmourned, but there is no upside for the Lib Dems

Huhne was not the most "coalicious" figure in government, but that is precisely why ordinary party m

There is a thread of glee running through some of the commentary around Chris Huhne's fate this morning. This is because the former Energy Secretary has rubbed a lot of people in Westminster up the wrong way. Many Tories see him as insufficiently collegiate when it comes to collective cabinet responsibility for the coalition project. He is suspected of keeping too beady an eye on that corner of the Lib Dem grass roots where visceral loathing of the Conservatives lurks.

Nor has it ever been forgotten in Nick Clegg's office that Huhne was once his rival for the party leadership.The departure creates a vacancy for the promotion of more malleable Cleggites - or at least people with whom the Tories are more comfortable doing business. (Step forward "Orange Book" liberal Edward Davey.)

But there really is no upside to this episode for the Lib Dems. Away from the microscopic detail of Westminster personality politics, this is just a story of a minister crashing out of cabinet with a sleazy cloud over his head. And the minister is a Liberal Democrat. The party is having a hard enough time being known for anything other than its famous tuition fees u-turn. The brand, at the moment, is apparently associated in voters' minds with nothing at all or the intrinsic worthlessness of political promises. To then appear in headlines because a leading figure in the team faces criminal charges is not a good look for the party, whichever way you configure it.

Besides, for all that there was no love lost between Huhne and Clegg, it has sometimes been useful having a voice in the cabinet who is not altogether "coalicious", as they say. The kind of scratchy,abrasive dissent that never fully erupts into opposition - Huhne's speciality - operates as a safety valve for the purposes of party unity, reassuring ordinary members and MPs that their leaders haven't been entirely captured by the Tories.

Rafael Behr is political columnist at the Guardian and former political editor of the New Statesman

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Northern Ireland election results: a shift beneath the status quo

The power of the largest parties has been maintained, while newer parties running on nicher subjects with no connection to Northern Ireland’s traditional religious divide are rapidly rising.

After a long day of counting and tinkering with the region’s complex PR vote transfer sytem, Northern Irish election results are slowly starting to trickle in. Overall, the status quo of the largest parties has been maintained with Sinn Fein and the Democratic Unionist Party returning as the largest nationalist and unionist party respectively. However, beyond the immediate scope of the biggest parties, interesting changes are taking place. The two smaller nationalist and unionist parties appear to be losing support, while newer parties running on nicher subjects with no connection to Northern Ireland’s traditional religious divide are rapidly rising.

The most significant win of the night so far has been Gerry Carroll from People Before Profit who topped polls in the Republican heartland of West Belfast. Traditionally a Sinn Fein safe constituency and a former seat of party leader Gerry Adams, Carroll has won hearts at a local level after years of community work and anti-austerity activism. A second People Before Profit candidate Eamon McCann also holds a strong chance of winning a seat in Foyle. The hard-left party’s passionate defence of public services and anti-austerity politics have held sway with working class families in the Republican constituencies which both feature high unemployment levels and which are increasingly finding Republicanism’s focus on the constitutional question limiting in strained economic times.

The Green party is another smaller party which is slowly edging further into the mainstream. As one of the only pro-choice parties at Stormont which advocates for abortion to be legalised on a level with Great Britain’s 1967 Abortion Act, the party has found itself thrust into the spotlight in recent months following the prosecution of a number of women on abortion related offences.

The mixed-religion, cross-community Alliance party has experienced mixed results. Although it looks set to increase its result overall, one of the best known faces of the party, party leader David Ford, faces the real possibility of losing his seat in South Antrim following a poor performance as Justice Minister. Naomi Long, who sensationally beat First Minister Peter Robinson to take his East Belfast seat at the 2011 Westminster election before losing it again to a pan-unionist candidate, has been elected as Stormont MLA for the same constituency. Following her competent performance as MP and efforts to reach out to both Protestant and Catholic voters, she has been seen by many as a rising star in the party and could now represent a more appealing leader to Ford.

As these smaller parties slowly gain a foothold in Northern Ireland’s long-established and stagnant political landscape, it appears to be the smaller two nationalist and unionist parties which are losing out to them. The moderate nationalist party the SDLP risks losing previously safe seats such as well-known former minister Alex Attwood’s West Belfast seat. The party’s traditional, conservative values such as upholding the abortion ban and failing to embrace the campaign for same-sex marriage has alienated younger voters who instead may be drawn to Alliance, the Greens or People Before Profit. Local commentators have speculate that the party may fail to get enough support to qualify for a minister at the executive table.

The UUP are in a similar position on the unionist side of the spectrum. While popular with older voters, they lack the charismatic force of the DUP and progressive policies of the newer parties. Over the course of the last parliament, the party has aired the possibility of forming an official opposition rather than propping up the mandatory power-sharing coalition set out by the peace process. A few months ago, legislation will finally past to allow such an opposition to form. The UUP would not commit to saying whether they are planning on being the first party to take up that position. However, lacklustre election results may increase the appeal. As the SDLP suffers similar circumstances, they might well also see themselves attracted to the role and form a Stormont’s first official opposition together as a way of regaining relevance and esteem in a system where smaller parties are increasingly jostling for space.